ment expenditure and receipts, and directions were given for the posting of these edicts throughout the empire. The publication of these decrees caused the utmost surprise among those people who knew Chinese ways, and it became evident that there was a reform party at work in Peking, and that the young emperor had fallen under their influence. The news evoked the greatest satisfaction in Europe, except among people who had lived in China, and realised the amount of opposition likely to be evoked against the emperor's reforms by the corrupt official class. Further decrees were issued a few days later, by which marine academies, mining schools, and training ships were ordered to be established, and a minister to Korea appointed; and the emperor improved the occasion by expressing his views on the condition and prospects of his country. He urged that China was suffering by a too firm adherence to old traditions. He avowed his intention of coming to the rescue of the empire, and urged his ministers and servants throughout the eighteen provinces to assist him in reorganising the country. While these notifications were the topic of the hour, and people were discussing the probability of a real awakening in China, a jarring note was struck by the issue of a counter edict emanating from the dowager empress, who had acted as regent during Kwangsu's minority from 1875 to 1887. In this it was announced that the emperor had resigned his power to the dowager empress, and that all reports were to be delivered to her in future. Immediately on this, the ministers who had advised the emperor, and whose opinions were responsible for his policy of reform, took to flight; and the majority succeeded in getting free from the clutches of the reactionary party. Chang Yin Huang, a prominent member of the Tsungli Yamen, well known for his progressive views, was arrested and dismissed his office in disgrace. Li Tuan Feng, vice-president of the Board of Punishments, was banished. Six members of the reform party were executed, and a THE COUP D'ÉTAT 55 reward of two million dollars was offered for the arrest of Kang Yu Wei, the leader of the party and most trusted counsellor of the emperor. Kang succeeded in escaping to Hong Kong, and the empress had to content herself with issuing an edict cancelling the proclamations which had caused all the trouble. It was then rumoured that Kwangsu was dead: that he had been poisoned by the empress. But after a while he was proved to be alive, though kept in strict seclusion, and later in the year he appeared at a reception given by the dowager empress to the ladies of the foreign embassies in Peking. The troubled look of affairs at the Chinese capital caused some anxiety among the foreign ministers stationed in the city, and it was decided by them to send for a force of troops who might serve to protect the embassies in the event of a general rising against foreigners. As soon as the Tsungli Yamen was notified of this intention they objected; and when bodies of Russian cossacks and British bluejackets arrived at Tientsin on their way to Peking, their further passage was obstructed by Chinese officials. As soon as the diplomatists showed that they were firm in their intention of bringing the men to Peking the Chinese relented. The Russian representative took the lead in the matter, and informed the Yamen that he hoped it would give permission for the guard to enter the capital; but that, if they refused, the men would be reinforced, and would come all the same. The Chinese promptly came to their senses, and thirty British marines, thirty German marines, thirty-three Russian sailors, and thirty-three cossacks entered Peking in full marching order and proceeded to the respective embassies. This was the first occasion on which foreign troops found their way into the celestial capital, fully equipped and armed, since it was entered by the French and English forces in 1860. Among the last acts performed by the Tsungli Yamen before it was deprived of its reforming members was the arrangement of a treaty with Great Britain for the leasing of an extension of the territory of Kowloon which had been ceded to this country by the treaty of Tientsin. The measure was necessary in order to allow of the adequate protection of the island of Hong Kong, which was commanded by the heights behind Kowloon city; and the placing of these under British control enables Hong Kong to be made, safe from any attack in this direction. The territory leased covers some 200 square miles of land, and includes certain islands between Hong Kong and the mainland. The treaty was signed on the 9th June, and the territory was occupied in the following summer.1 The strained relations which had been caused between Russia and Great Britain by the former's action in the Liaotung peninsula, and the friction which had arisen over her aggressive action in regard to railways, and interference with British rights in North China, rendered it desirable to come to an understanding with that country in regard to mutual privileges and spheres of influence in China. After a long series of negotiations an exchange of notes was effected between the two countries in April, 1899,2 by which it was mutually agreed that Great Britain would not seek any railway concessions to the north of the Great Wall, and that she would not attempt to obstruct any Russian schemes in that region, and Russia bound herself not to demand any railway concessions in the basin of the Yangtse Kiang, or to obstruct British schemes in Central China. Subsequent notes were also exchanged, guaranteeing the freedom of the railway in course of construction between Shan Hai Kuan and Newchang by British engineers from foreign control. Shortly after this exchange of ideas, the government of the United States, which, though it has never taken an active part in the opening up of China, had gradually developed a very considerable trade in that country, sent a circular letter to the European Powers to seek information as to the possibility of coming to an understanding in regard to the maintenance of treaty rights, and the safeguarding of the integrity of the empire. The requirements of the policy of equal opportunity known as 1 See Appendix B, 2 See Appendix B, RUSSIAN ASTUTENESS 57 "the open door" were categorically set out in this circular, with the object of obtaining the definite adherence of the various Powers to its support. The replies in the case of Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan were unanimously favourable; and each of these countries undertook to be bound by the principles laid down, provided that all the Powers agreed to be so bound. The reply of Russia was, however, less satisfactory; and, while it evaded the plain questions put in the original circular, sought, by a cleverly worded statement, to assure the United States of Russia's good wishes in regard to the desired end, without in reality pledging her to anything whatever. The skill with which this document was drawn was such as to attain its object; and the United States government, failing to penetrate the real signification of the reply, accepted it as an adoption of the conditions set, and informed the governments of Europe that having received the unanimous consent of all the Powers concerned, the guaranteeing of the principle of the open door might be regarded as complete. Lord Salisbury fell into the trap laid by Count Muravieff as readily as did the Americans; and in his acknowledgment of this last communication from the American minister wrote, "The successful termination of the negotiations carried on by the United States government in the matter has been a source of much gratification to her Majesty's government." After remaining in a state of undisturbed tranquillity for nearly five years, China became, in May, 1900, suddenly the scene of a local rising, which speedily attained serious proportions. The events comprised are recorded in a subsequent chapter. CHAPTER IV THE AWAKENING OF JAPAN First contact with Western nations-Overtures from the United 1 It was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that Japan entered into formal relations with Western countries, and her modern history may be said to date from the signing of the first treaty with America in 1854. The withdrawal of the British, who failed to derive permanent advantage from the labours of Captain Saris in 1613, had left the Dutch and Portuguese in possession of the foreign 1 NOTE. For the historical facts in this chapter I have mainly relied on the elaborate histories of Sir Francis Adams (1875) and Sir C. J. Reed (1880). My account of the recent changes in the political and social system of Japan is based on Dr. David Murray's admirable volume in the Story of the Nations series and Mr. Griffis's scholarly compilations (dealing with the Mikado's empire. In addition to these I have derived much assistance from Dr. Rein's Travels and Researches, M. Lamairesse's elaborate Le Japon, Manjiro Inagaki's Japan and the Pacific, de Rosny's La Civilisation Japonaise, and Mr. F. V. Dickins's excellent life of Sir Harry Parkes. My record of the events connected with the China-Japanese War is founded on the histories of Inouye, Vladmir, and Eastlake and Yamada, works which are models of patient research, and which leave little to choose between them. The more important of the remaining authors consulted will be found named as occasion arises, |