You are hereby directed to communicate his Excellency's views to the Ameer, and to prepare a careful and complete statement of all that passes at your interviews, and of the decision of the Cabul Durbar, for transmission to me.

You will, at the same time, hold yourself in readiness to come to Peshawur without delay, should your presence be required by his Excellency.

It was during the discussion of these two letters that the dissent of three members of Council was expressed in written Notes. They might then have recorded formal Minutes of dissent, but it was very justly suggested by the Viceroy, and agreed by the dissentients, that it would be more convenient to record Minutes when the report of proceedings was made to the Home Government, a step which it was then intended to take as soon as the Ameer's answer to the letters of July was received. The course of events however led to delay as above mentioned, and so the opportunity for recording Minutes of dissent was lost. One of the three dissentients, Sir William Muir, on leaving India, requested that his Notes (since made public) should be turned into Minutes when the report was sent; but this request was not complied with, and very likely was forgotten after the lapse of so much time.

The grounds of dissent, differently expressed, centred round the same point. They were to the effect that Shere Ali was within his right in refusing English Envoys; that the reasons he assigned were genuine as regarded his own belief, and rested on substantial foundations; that we had no right to use threats to him; that such a mode of addressing him was like the first step in a war; that it was not treating him fairly to insist upon the temporary and complimentary character of Sir L. Pelly's Mission, when the main object of it was, as the Ameer well knew, to enforce a permanent Mission; that it was impolitic not to deal fairly with him by saying what we wanted at once; that if he accepted the temporary Mission, and then refused the permanent one, our position would be one of great

embarrassment; and that we ought distinctly to resolve beforehand whether in such a case we should be content to accept the refusal, or should resort to force. It was also pointed out that we had no such tempting boon to offer as to induce Shere Ali to accept with it a very distasteful demand. He had declined our money, though no condition was attached to it; he would doubtless decline all gifts coupled with the condition of receiving English Envoys. He knew we should defend Afghanistan from Russian aggression for our own sakes. To guarantee him and his son Abdoollah Jan from domestic disturbances would be an inducement no doubt, but it was out of the question, because it involved our control over the domestic affairs of the country. The advice given was to wait till difficulties came upon Shere Ali, when he would want assistance, and we could make fair terms with him.

It should be said that the objections here summarised were made to the first drafts of the letters of July 8 (as plainly appears from Sir William Muir's Note), and that the drafts were moderated in language, but they were not so altered in substance as to remove the objections felt by the dissentients. They were however in a minority. Even if a majority had objected, it was only a question of time when the orders of the Secretary of State were to be carried into effect; and those orders, though by law they may be protested against, must be obeyed, and obeyed loyally, by the Government of India. At all events, the letters of July 8 were sent by the authority of that Government.

The letters produced a courteous answer, dated September 3, 1876 (vide A., p. 179), in which Shere Ali, still not consenting to the proposed Mission, suggested that our Vakeel, Atta Mahomed, should see the British authorities and explain matters to them. He was accordingly summoned to Simla, and conferred there with the Viceroy in the month of October (vide A., pp. 181– 186). Atta Mahomed mentioned to the Viceroy a list of the Ameer's grievances, but as this was done after

wards by a better authority, the Ameer's Prime Minister, Noor Mahomed, it need only be mentioned here that Atta Mahomed referred to a greater number of grievances than did Noor Mahomed, including among the additional ones that the results of the Mission in 1873 had offended the Ameer.' He also mentioned the matters which, as far as he knew, the Ameer and his advisers had at heart. The most material were (p. 182)

1st. That no Englishmen should reside in Afghanistan, at any rate at Cabul.

2nd. The British Government should utterly disclaim connection with Mahomed Yakoob or any other pretender (actual or possible) to the Afghan Throne, agreeing to recognise and support only his declared heir.

3rd. That we should agree to support the Ameer, on demand, with troops and money in all and every case of attack from without. Also should he call upon us to do so, to aid him in the event of internal disturbance.

The Viceroy then delivered an address to Atta Mahomed, which (p. 185) he was to convey faithfully to the Ameer.' We give some extracts from this address.

The Ameer had apparently come to the conclusion that, having nothing to hope from us, and, at the same time, nothing to fear, he may safely stand aloof from the British Government; confident that, in the event of external attack, we shall be obliged to help him for the protection of our own interests, even if we are under no contract obligation to do so.

This was a very natural conclusion; but, unfortunately for the Ameer, there was a fatal flaw in its premises. It is true that, if the Ameer proves himself our friend and loyal ally, not our interests only, but our honour, will oblige us to defend his territories and support his Throne. But the moment we have cause to doubt his sincerity, or question the practical benefit of his alliance, our interests will be all the other way, and may greatly augment the dangers with which he is already threatened, both at home and abroad. As regards the former, the British Government can only assist those who

value its assistance; and the assistance which the Ameer seems at present disinclined to seek or deserve may, at any moment, be very welcome to one or other of those rivals, from whom he will never be free till he has our assured support. As regards the latter, our only interest in maintaining the independence of Afghanistan is to provide for the security of our own frontier. But the moment we cease to regard Afghanistan as a friendly and firmly allied State, what is there to prevent us from providing for the security of our frontier by an understanding with Russia, which might have the effect of wiping Afghanistan out of the map altogether? If the Ameer does not desire to come to a speedy understanding with us, Russia does; and she desires it at his expense.1

As matters now stand, the British Government is able to pour an overwhelming force into Afghanistan, either for the protection of the Ameer, or the vindication of its own interests, long before a single Russian soldier could reach Cabul. His Excellency illustrated this statement by detailed reference to the statistics of the Russian military force in Central Asia, and the British military force in India, showing the available troops of either Power within certain distances of the city of Cabul.

The Viceroy then said that, if the Ameer remained our friend, this military power could be spread round him as a ring of iron, and, if he became our enemy, it could break him as a reed. But our relations with Afghanistan could not remain as they are. They must become worse or better. It was his Excellency's sincere desire that they should become better; and on his part he was cordially willing to do all in his power to make them so.

The Viceroy however pointed out that he could not help a State which would not allow him the means of helping it; nor undertake responsibility for the protection of a frontier which he is unable to look after by means of his own officers. Unless we can have our own Agents on the Afghan frontier, and thus know what is going on there and beyond, we cannot effectually defend that frontier. It is out of the question that we should be committed to seeing the Ameer through a war with Russia, without being in a position to prevent his becoming involved in such a war.

It is indispensable that his Excellency should be in a

'Nothing appears in the Blue-books to account for this language.

position to acquaint himself with the true state of things in Afghanistan. The Vakeel had said that the Ameer was strong, but what were the facts admitted by himself? His own son was his opponent. This son had been imprisoned certainly, but was still so formidable that the Ameer could not leave Cabul on his account. It was believed that conspiracies were rife in favour of this son; that the people were discontented on account of the conscription; that the treasury was empty; and, in fact, that the Ameer's position was surrounded with difficulties.

This, said his Excellency, is the man who pretends to hold the balance between England and Russia independent of either! His position is rather that of an earthen pipkin between two iron pots.

The Viceroy furnished Atta Mahomed with details of the concessions he was prepared to make to the Ameer, and of the conditions on which he would insist, and with a document called an 'aide mémoire' for his further guidance. He also proposed a meeting between Sir Lewis Pelly and Noor Mahomed. He added (p. 185)—

At the same time, the Vakeel should understand that his Excellency attached certain conditions to the opening of negotiations, without which it was needless for the Ameer to send down his representatives

1. The location of British officers upon the Afghan

frontier.

2. An attitude of friendship and confidence on the part of the Ameer.

Should the Ameer not consider the advantages worth the concession required by him, viz., British agency on the frontier, and a really friendly attitude on the part of the Ameer himself, it would then be needless for him to depute his Minister to meet the Viceroy's Envoy, and the Viceroy would be free to adopt his own course in his re-arrangement of frontier relations, without regard to Afghan interests.

Atta Mahomed was dismissed by the Viceroy with gifts-a watch and chain and 1,000l.--' in acknowledgment of the appreciation of the Government of his past