Cabul. As before stated, Atta Mahomed gave us timely notice of all material events. When he was gone, we were in the dark and open to false impressions. In the 18th paragraph of his despatch (inf., p. 192) Lord Cranbrook shows the disadvantage at which we were placed by imperfect means of information.

On October 4, 1877, Lord Salisbury wrote to Lord Lytton (vide A., pp. 222-4). The despatch, for the most part, is an endorsement of the proceedings of the Government of India, and need not be quoted. The last paragraph runs thus:

11. The independence of Afghanistan is a matter of importance to the British Government, and, as an essential part of arrangements for its protection, Her Majesty's Government would still be glad to station Agents upon whom they could rely at Herat and Candahar. In the event therefore of the Ameer, within a reasonable time, spontaneously manifesting a desire to come to a friendly understanding with your Excellency on the basis of the terms lately offered to, but declined by, him his advances should not be rejected. If, on the other hand, he continues to maintain an attitude of isolation and scarcely veiled hostility, the British Government stands unpledged to any obligations, and, in any contingencies which may arise in Afghanistan, will be at liberty to adopt such measures for the protection and permanent tranquillity of the North-West Frontier of Her Majesty's Indian dominions as the circumstances of the moment may render expedient, without regard to the wishes of the Ameer Shere Ali or the interests of his dynasty.

The

The last sentence is a distinct note of war. 'isolation' into which our gratuitous demands, followed by a declaration that our treaties were at an end, and by the withdrawal of our Vakeel, had cast Shere Ali, is imputed to his own act. Scarcely veiled hostility' is imputed to him, who undoubtedly had shown his fear of us, but who had done no hostile act, unless it be the excitement of a jehad, which was denied, and which had only proved, and had been treated by Lord Lytton as proving, his utter impotence to hurt us. On these grounds the British Government stands un

6

pledged to any obligations' and in any contingencies' may take measures for their 'protection and permanent tranquillity' as the circumstances of the moment' may dictate. Language of this sort is the common prelude to acts of aggression; and a strong Power, once in this mood towards a weak one, seldom waits long for a 'contingency' which may give it the excuse for moving. But nothing new had occurred between us and the Afghans since the Peshawur conference was closed; and how is the language of this despatch to be reconciled with the language of those of March 15 and May 10, 1877, to the effect that the independence and authority of the Ameer are to be respected, and that no British soldier shall ever be permitted to enter Afghanistan uninvited as long as the Afghans themselves are not excited to aggression? How, again, is it to be reconciled with the assurances given to Parliament and the Nation in June, 1877, that there was no change of our policy towards Afghanistan, and that the Ameer was no worse disposed to us than hitherto ?

CHAPTER XII.

COMMENCEMENT OF WAR.

6

It was not very long before one of the contingencies contemplated in the despatch of October 1877 occurred. In the spring of 1878 we had gone great lengths towards war with the Russians, and they, certainly well knowing the sensitiveness of our Government in relation to Afghanistan, probably well knowing the issue of their recent attempts to coerce Shere Ali, and their repudiation of all liabilities on his account, seem to have bethought themselves of effecting a diversion by sending a Mission to Cabul. Doubtless their desire to frighten us in that quarter was sharpened by the circumstance that we had threatened them with Indian troops. On June 7, 1878, the earliest rumour of the advent of a Russian Ambassador to Cabul was telegraphed by the Government of India to England (vide A., p. 226). Speedy representations were made by our Government to the Russians, who on July 3 (vide C.A., p. 132) denied that any Russian representative had been, or was intended to be, sent to Cabul, either by the Imperial Government or by General Kaufmann. This denial proved to be no more trustworthy than the declarations made by our own Ministers to Parliament. The representative was coming, by whomsoever sent, and on July 30, 1878, Lord Lytton telegraphed to Lord Cranbrook, then the Secretary of State for India, as follows:

If such Mission be authenticated, I will telegraph again. It will be difficult to act or instruct frontier officers without definite indication of views of Cabinet on such conduct on part

of Russia and Ameer, having regard to Russia's formal promises, and Ameer's refusal to receive British Mission in any shape. What I shall then require to know without delay is, whether this will be treated by Her Majesty's Government as an Imperial question with Russia, or left to us to deal with as a matter between Ameer and Government of India. In latter case, I shall propose, with your approval, to insist on immediate suitable reception of European British Mission. I will communicate with you further on measures which may in this contingency become necessary for securing due permanent preponderance in Afghanistan. The alternative would be continued policy of complete inaction, difficult. to maintain and very injurious to our position in India.

On August 2 Lord Lytton telegraphed again (vide A., p. 228), saying that the Russian Ambassador was General Abramoff,' and continuing :

To remain inactive now will, we respectfully submit, be to allow Afghanistan to fall as certainly and as completely under Russian power and influence as the Khanates. We believe

we could correct situation if allowed to treat it as question between us and the Ameer, and probably could do so without recourse to force. But we must speak plainly and decidedly, and be sure of your support.

It appears to us that the contingency contemplated in the Secretary of State's letter, No. 2 cf January 2, 1875, has arisen; and we propose, therefore, in the first place, to insist on reception of suitable British Mission at Cabul. To this we do not anticipate serious resistance; indeed, we think it probable that Ameer, adhering to his policy of playing Russia and ourselves off against each other, will really welcome such Mission, while outwardly only yielding to pressure. We would thus endeavour to effect arrangements similar to those urged on us by your Lordship's predecessor in despatch above quoted, but avoiding all dynastic obligations. It is possible we should find considerable difficulty in obtaining Ameer's assent to such arrangements; but in hands of skilful negotiator difficulties might be overcome, and at least it is desirable to make the effort in the first instance. Ameer is aware we are in position to enforce our demands. Failing in these endeavours to re-establish the preponderance of British influ

It was General Stoletoff. For an account of this Mission, as gathered from the C.A. papers, see inf., p. 291, et seq.

ence in Afghanistan, which we believe to be necessary for the safety of India, we shall then have to consider what measures are necessary for the protection and permanent tranquillity of our North-West Frontier, as indicated in last paragraph of Secretary of State's despatch, No. 64 of October 4, 1877. We earnestly solicit an early reply, as situation is urgent.

On August 3 the Secretary of State accepted the Viceroy's plan.

This was the last step which made war inevitable. It is true that Lord Lytton and the advisers of the aggressive policy were still persuading themselves that Shere Ali could not refuse what they had set their hearts on having; but a resolution to demand in peremptory fashion something which has been steadily refused through a length of time, and in spite of threats, is a resolution which, except for some very lucky accident, must lead to war. What may be the letter of January 2, 1875, referred to in the last quoted telegram, we do not know. There is a letter of January 22, 1875 (vide A., p. 128), but that letter does not contemplate any contingency of the kind mentioned in the telegram.

Sir Neville Chamberlain, a very distinguished soldier of Indian experience, was appointed Envoy to Cabul, and an experienced and trustworthy Pathan officer, the Nawab Gholam Hussein Khan, who had formerly been British Vakeel at Cabul, was deputed to convey to Shere Ali a letter from Lord Lytton, bearing date August 14, 1878, which was as follows:

From His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India to His Highness Ameer Shere Ali Khan, Walee of Cabul and its Dependencies.

Simla: August 14, 1878.

The authentic intelligence which I have lately received of the course of recent events at Cabul and in the countries bordering on Afghanistan, has rendered it necessary that I should communicate fully and without reserve with your Highness upon matters of importance which concern the interests of India and of Afghanistan. For this reason I have considered it expedient to depute a special and confidential British Envoy of high rank, who is known to your Highness, his Excellency