1. The English Government formally and finally abandons the idea of a neutral zone' as impracticable.

2. Her Majesty's Government could not regard the present line of Russian frontier as fixed and immovable; on the contrary, it regarded the advance of the Russian frontier as inevitable.

3. This extension of Russian territory, however natural and justifiable, could not be regarded by the British Government with indifference. The uneasiness, however, would not arise from any danger apprehended from Russian hostility or unfriendly designs, but from causes beyond the control of the Government and officials of Russia. It is admitted that good would probably result from a closer proximity between the frontiers of the two Governments in Central Asia-good not merely to their respective interests, but also to the interests of civilisation generally. But Lord Derby considers that the time is not yet. The state of feeling among the native rulers and people is not ripe for the development of such a policy. The occupation of Merv by Russia, for example, would place her in direct contact with Afghan territory. This might frighten the Ameer of Cabul, and induce him to make common cause against Russia with the Turkoman tribes on his borders. Russia would thus be drawn into hostile action against Afghanistan, and England could not control the Ameer without reluctantly embarking on a policy which would practically end in pushing her frontier up to that of Russia. The prudent course, therefore, was the continued pursuance of the policy which has hitherto guided both Powers alike to maintain the integrity of Afghan territory.'

Prince Gortschakoff replied to Lord Derby's Memorandum on February 15, 1876.1 The following extract from his despatch will suffice:

Have the goodness to inform his Excellency, by order of our august Master, that we entirely agree in the conclusion

1 Central Asia, No. 1 (1878), p. 69.

that, while maintaining on either side the arrangement come to as regards the limits of Afghanistan, which is to remain outside the sphere of Russian action, the two Cabinets should regard as terminated the discussions relative to the intermediate zone, which have been recognised as unpractical; that, while retaining entire freedom of action, they should be guided by a mutual desire to pay due regard to their respective interests and necessities, by avoiding as far as possible any immediate contact with each other, and any collisions between the Asiatic States placed within the circle of their influence.

We are convinced that by keeping to this principle, and cultivating feelings of equity and reciprocal goodwill, the two Cabinets will succeed in consolidating the friendly relations so happily established between them, for the advantage of the general peace in Europe and Asia.

The history of the communications between the two Governments, with a view to a friendly understanding on Central Asian affairs, would not be complete without some reference to Mr. Disraeli's speech in the House of Commons in the summer of 1876. The speech, says Lord A. Loftus, in a despatch from St. Petersburg, dated May 12, 'has given great satisfaction here, not only in the official circles, but also generally among all classes.'1 The Ambassador continues:—

I have the honour to enclose to your Lordship an article published in this morning's Journal de St. Pétersbourg' from the Moscow Gazette' (the organ of the Russian press which has hitherto been the least favourably disposed towards England in regard to the affairs of Central Asia), in which, after stating that the frank and firm reply of Mr. Disraeli places the two countries in the position conformable to their dignity, their greatness, and to their mutual interests, it hails with satisfaction the statement that the good understanding between the two Governments had never been more complete than at the present moment.

It further continues to observe that the mutual concord and confidence of the Great Powers had never been more decisive for the peace of Europe, and it terminates by stating that, in the midst of the general concord, the mutual con

1 Central Asia, No. 1 (1878), p. 73.

fidence between England and Russia was an element of decisive value.

I met General Kaufmann yesterday at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and he expressed to me the pleasure with which he had read Mr. Disraeli's speech, and he expressed a hope that England and Russia would act cordially together in Central Asia for their mutual welfare, and for the advancement of civilisation.

General Kaufmann informed me that he was on the eve of returning to Tashkend to resume the duties of GovernorGeneral of Turkestan.

The passage in Mr. Disraeli's speech which was singled out for special commendation in Russia was that in which he declared that so far from being alarmed at the progress of Russian power in Central Asia, he sees no reason why Russia should not conquer Tartary as England had conquered India;' and that 'he only wished that the people of Tartary should derive no less advantage from their conquest by Russia than the people of Hindustan had derived from their conquest by England.'

The extract from the official Journal of St. Petersburg,' to which Lord A. Loftus refers-after complimenting Mr. Disraeli on his frankness and penetration in recognising the security of English rule in India, and the true character of Russian advances-concludes as follows:

:

Ce qui nous paraît le plus remarquable dans le discours du Ministre, ce sont les paroles suivantes :

Loin de m'alarmer des progrès de la puissance russe dans l'Asie Centrale, je ne vois pas de raison pour que la Russie ne conquière point la Tartarie comme l'Angleterre a conquis les Indes. Je désire seulement que le peuple de la Tartaric retire autant d'avantages de la conquête russe que le peuple hindou en a retiré de la conquête anglaise.

Ces paroles ne sont rien d'autre que la vérité; il y a longtemps que nous avions dit la même chose et beaucoup de feuilles anglaises s'étaient ralliées à notre appréciation. Mais du moment que le Gouvernement anglais s'associe franchement à cette manière de voir toutes les objections disparaissent comme d'elles-mêmes.

Here then we have it declared on the highest authority, both in England and Russia, that an understanding of the most complete and friendly character exists between the two Governments with respect to the position and mission of each in Asia. The Prime Minister of England wishes Russia God-speed in her mission of subduing and civilising the populations of Tartary ' (meaning by that expression apparently the territories north of the Oxus), and suggests the career of England in Hindustan as an example for Russia to follow. The Government of the Czar expresses its lively satisfaction at the speech of Mr. Disraeli; General von Kaufmann is delighted with it; and the representative organ of the ultra-national party in the Russian press declares that the frank and firm reply of Mr. Disraeli replaces anew the two Governments respectively in the situation which is most agreeable to their dignity, their grandeur, and the interests of each.' It follows, of course, that in May, 1876, the Government of England, if we are to believe its chief, so far from apprehending any danger to our Indian Empire from the doings or designs of Russia in Central Asia, regarded that country as a friendly ally in the mission of carrying the blessings of civilisation in the train of beneficent conquests.

So much as to the understanding between England and Russia with respect to Central Asia generally and Afghanistan in particular.

CHAPTER II.

COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN KAUFMANN AND SHERE ALI.

LET us now see what bearing the correspondence between General von Kaufmann and Shere Ali has upon that understanding.

The long extract from Sir John Strachey's Minute, given on a previous page, shows that the Government of Lord Mayo apprehended nothing but good from the interchange of friendly communications between the Ameer of Cabul and the Russian Governor of Turkestan. Lord Mayo's opinion on that point appears to have been shared by the Home Government and by his two successors, with a single exception during the Viceroyalty of Lord Northbrook, down to the autumn of 1876. At all events, no objection, with that single exception, was made before then to the continuance of the correspondence. Let us glance at the facts as they are set out in the Central Asia papers.

General Kaufmann sent an English duplicate of his first letter to Shere Ali, probably with a view to its being made known to the Government of India; and it may be well to add that there is nothing all through the correspondence to indicate any desire on the part of Kaufmann to keep it secret from the British authorities. The following is a transcript of Kaufmann's English duplicate of his first letter to Shere Ali:

To the Ameer of Cabul, Shere Ali Khan.

You probably will have heard that your nephew, Abderahman Khan, who a few years ago was Regent of Balkh and of other parts of Afghanistan, is just arrived in Tashkend, and that I, as representative of my gracious Emperor, have allowed him an honourable hospitality. In order that the staying here of the above-mentioned Afghanistan Sirdar might not be erroneously interpreted by you, I suppose it necessary to ex