12. Compliance with these desires was impossible, but it was necessary, by a straightforward and unmistakable expression of opinion, to furnish the Ameer with some declaration which (without encouraging hopes that could not be fulfilled) would be of present use, truly describe our feelings and intentions towards him, and satisfy him that his journey and (to him) somewhat perilous absence from his kingdom, had not been made in vain.

13. This object was accomplished, but not without difficulty. 14. A comparison of the principles laid down in your Grace's letter of May 14 with the action taken, and the opinions expressed at Umballa, will show how completely in accord those principles and those actions are. And although no instructions were received from the Home Government beyond a short general expression of desire contained in your Grace's private letter to the Viceroy that he should 'maintain that policy of reserve and of abstinence from interference which had been pursued by your predecessor,' yet it can be shown not only that the communications made to the Ameer at the conference did not exceed former promises or extend in any way our liabilities, but that in effect they thoroughly defined and clearly explained the position we had determined to assume towards Afghanistan, and rather limited any engagement or liability it might be supposed that we had previously lain under as regards his Highness.

15. The first words which the Viceroy addressed to the Ameer at the conference of March 27 were to express the firm desire of the British Government to see established at Cabul, a just, strong, and independent Government; that we had no intention to deviate from the course which we had adopted since he had last regained his throne; that we wished to see him firmly established as Ruler of Cabul, and that he should be able specially to establish tranquillity and good government in his territories.

16. The policy that we had endeavoured to establish may be termed an intermediate one, that is to say, that while we distinctly intimated to the Ameer that, under no circumstances, should a British soldier ever cross his frontier to assist him in coercing his rebellious subjects; that no European officers would be placed as Residents in his cities; that fall in with the necessities of the counsels of the time, it (the British Government) will make endeavours and efforts towards this direction,' &c., &c.

no fixed subsidy or money allowance would be given for any named period; that no promise of assistance in other ways would be made; that no treaty would be entered into, obliging us under every circumstance to recognise him and his descendants Rulers of Afghanistan, yet that we were prepared by the most open and absolute present recognition, and by every public evidence of friendly disposition, of respect for his character and interest in his fortunes, to give all the moral support in our power, and that, in addition, we were willing to assist him with money, arms, ammunition, native artificers, and in other ways, whenever we deemed it possible or desirable to do so.

17. In paragraph 8 of the official letter of April 3, we wrote as follows:

:

'We have every reason to hope that the visit of his Highness, and the communications which have taken place, will be productive of the happiest results. It has assured his Highness that the policy which was adopted by his Lordship's predecessor, on the Ameer's regaining the Throne of Cabul in August last, will be continued. It will show to the world that we have, in the Ruler of Afghanistan, a faithful ally, and that while the British Government has no desire of aggrandisement or extension of territory, it will still use all its influence to support neighbouring Princes and Rulers who are earnestly endeavouring to create by their own exertions a strong, independent, and friendly government.'

18. These references clearly show that not only was it our wish and policy, in the interest of our Indian Empire, that there should be a strong and settled government in Afghanistan,' but that it should be such an one as may promote commerce with us, and protect the people of the country from the evils of civil war.'

19. They also show how completely free the Viceroy kept the hands of the Government of India' as to the occasions on which, and as to all the circumstances under which assistance (to the Ameer) should be given or withheld.' For, besides what has been already said, the Viceroy informed your Grace that if at any future time we thought it to be our duty to assist his Highness, we should do it in any way which would neither entangle us in any engagements which might prove embarrassing nor weaken his independence.

20. The Ameer of Cabul fully understood that the British Government would assist him with money, now or hereafter ;

solely for the purpose of establishing a just and merciful, as well as a strong Government in Afghanistan, and that the continuance of our support must always depend upon the pleasure of the government of India, which principle is set forth, as far as it could be in a public document, in our letter to the Ameer, in which, as already quoted, we say:

'It (the British Government) will further endeavour from time to time, by such means as circumstances may require,1 to strengthen the government of your Highness, to enable you to exercise with equity and with justice your rightful rule,' &c., &c.

21. How thoroughly the Ameer understood this is shown in a Memorandum,2 marginally quoted, by Captain Grey, the Persian interpreter at the conferences, whose communications with the Ameer and his Minister were of a most confidential character.

22. The position of affairs at the close of the conferences may, in the Viceroy's words, confidentially addressed to your Grace, be summed up as follows:

1stly. What the Ameer is not to have—

No treaty, no fixed subsidy, no European troops, officers, or Residents, no dynastic pledges.

2ndly. What he is to have

Warm countenance and support, discouragement of his rivals, such material assistance as we may consider absolutely

1 Or more literally, 'as fall in with the necessities of the counsels of the time.'

2 'I am quite satisfied that both the Ameer and his Minister are deeply impressed with the importance to their Government of securing the favourable opinion of our Government and the British public in respect of the justice and liberality of their administration by exerting themselves to the utmost for the material improvement of the country and increase of trade, and amelioration of the condition and conciliation of the people.

'As an abstract point the Ameer could fully understand, without demonstration, that in the present exhausted condition of the country and decline of trade, his interest lay in removing, as far as his necessities permitted, all burdens which would retard their recovery, and by a merciful and conciliating demeanour reconciling friend and foe to his administration and to compliance with such demands as the maintenance and consolidation of his administration rendered indispensable. Indeed, the Ameer used the above as a strong argument in pointing out how much it was our interest, by moderate assistance for a year or two-after which he could stand alone to enable him to allow the country breathing-time, and thus expedite its recovery of prosperity and attach all parties to his rule.

'These considerations, however, might not in themselves have sufficed to influence a man who, like most of his nation, is more likely to be

necessary for his immediate wants, constant and friendly communication through our Commissioner at Peshawur, and our native agents in Afghanistan; he, on his part, undertaking to do all he can to maintain peace on our frontier, and to comply with all our wishes on matters connected with trade.

45. One of the most urgent and prominent demands made by the Ameer at Umballa was that we should recognise and acknowledge not only himself but his lineal descendants against all comers and under all circumstances.

46. On every occasion that he brought the subject forward, the Viceroy declined to entertain it.

47. At the further conference that took place between his Excellency and the Ameer, he (the Ameer) declared that it was his earnest wish that the Government of India should recognise and acknowledge not only himself but his lineal descendants, or successors in blood; and this phrase he repeated several times with great earnestness and emphasis. He explained again, and at some length, that merely to acknowledge the Ruler pro tem. and de facto was to invite competition for a Throne, and excite the hopes of all sorts of candidates; that if the British Government would recognise him and his dynasty, there was nothing he would not do in order to evince his gratitude, and to comply with the wishes of the Indian Government in any particular, and support them with his means and his life, it being understood that the slightest failure on his part or his descendants should vitiate all engage

ments on ours.

48. The Viceroy, in reply, remarked that it was impossible to prophesy or to anticipate events; that we must deal with the present, and that his Highness could not expect him to enter into engagements as to a state of circumstances which might

never occur.

On May 27, 1869, the Duke of Argyll expressed his entire satisfaction with the explanations (vide A., p. 100).

As controversy has been raised on the question whether Shere Ali made a point of stipulating that governed by immediate expediency than to act on a far-sighted policy; but I am confident that his conviction of the necessity of securing our approbation and support by good and merciful government is so strong as to lead him to display generosity even towards political enemies, which is utterly opposed to Afghan ideas, and, as early as his financial difficulties will permit, to remove most restrictions and duties upon commerce, which is contrary to all traditions of Mussulman policy.'

European officers should not be sent to reside in his dominions, we may here usefully insert some passages from private letters which were quoted during the debates in Parliament.

On April 5, 1869, Mr. Seton Karr, the Foreign Secretary of the Indian Government, who assisted at the conference, wrote to Lord Lawrence thus:-

He [Shere Ali] is told that we don't want British officers as Residents at Cabul or anywhere else, and he says they would do him harm in the eyes of the people.

On June 3, 1869, Lord Mayo wrote thus to the Duke of Argyll:

The only pledges given were that we would not interfere in his affairs; that we would support his independence; that we would not force European officers upon him.

Thus ended the episode of the now celebrated Umballa conference. The main result was that though Shere Ali received very much less than he asked for, and perhaps had hoped, he was placed in a position of substantial alliance with the British Government. Some of the advantages he derived from that alliance are stated in the above-quoted despatch of July 1, 1869, pars. 68-73.

It has been much disputed how far Shere Ali remained content with the position thus assigned to him. The promoters of the new policy have strained every point to show that their predecessors, and not themselves, created the irritation which preceded the war. Accordingly in the Peshawur conference Sir Lewis Pelly tried, but tried in vain, to get from Shere Ali's Minister a confession that he was dissatisfied with his position, and wished to have it altered. This will be further noticed when we come to relate the Peshawur conference. At present it is enough to say that though Shere Ali desired more assistance in money and arms, and an unconditional promise of support against foreign and domestic enemies, he by no means desired to change his relations with the British Government, except for those purposes.