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of mistrust that may still linger in the minds of some classes of the people in Afghanistan, and towards preparing the way for the eventual location of permanent British representatives in that country, if such a measure should at any time be considered desirable or necessary.

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CHAPTER V.

AFTER THE SIMLA CONFERENCE AND BEFORE THE NEW POLICY.

IT has been latterly asserted or insinuated that Shere Ali was so vexed at the result of the Simla conference that he became hostile to England and inclined to a Russian alliance from that time. He was undoubtedly vexed at not obtaining that cordiality or sympathy which was to show itself in unconditional promises, in large amounts of money, and in great numbers of guns and magazine stores, and he showed some irritation. occasionally; but in substantial matters, and matters concerning his foreign policy, he did nothing unfriendly or wrong towards us. The bitter draught of the Seistan award he accepted, and he faithfully observed the terms of that award. He followed Lord Northbrook's advice in his dealings with some of the bordering Tekke Turkomans. He exerted himself at the instance of the British Government to procure the release of a Russian captive (vide C., pp. 46, 50, 61, 81). The project for sending officers to his north-west frontier was not pressed any further, so that he had not to consider whether to accept or reject it. All these were substantial matters. As regards matters of courtesy, and matters concerning his domestic policy, his mood would seem to have varied. He took the arms that were offered to him. He let the money lie untouched in the Treasury. In November 1873, he declared his son Abdoolah Jan to be his heir-apparent, and sent a complimentary notification of the fact to the Viceroy, who

returned a like reply (vide A., p. 118). In the same month he refused somewhat rudely to allow Colonel Baker, a gentleman travelling on his own account from Teheran, to pass through Afghanistan; and the Viceroy rebuked his rudeness, but did not complain of his decision, which may have been founded on very good reasons. A more important refusal took place in the case of Sir D. Forsyth, who wished to return from his mission to Yarkand through a portion of Shere Ali's dominions. The refusal however was perfectly courteous, and it was accepted by the Government of India as quite reasonable (vide A., pp. 122-124).

This refusal by Shere Ali has since been treated as a great offence, and it is fair to show the circumstances in which he was placed. In April 1873, a British officer, Major Macdonald, was slain by Behran Khan, one of the Momund tribe. The Momunds are among those border tribes over whom the Ameer of Cabul claims authority without always being able to exert it. The British Government required Shere Ali to punish the murderer. He, as was believed at the time, endeavoured to do so, but was frustrated by Nowroz Khan, the chief of the tribe, who was Behran Khan's half brother. He, however, did what he could by fining and displacing Nowroz, who stirred up sedition against him. Nowroz was also Shere Ali's brother-in-law, and the maternal uncle of Yakoob Khan, Shere Ali's turbulent son. Yakoob Khan, either from sympathy with his uncle, or because it was a good opportunity, broke out into rebellion against his father, and that rebellion was alive when Colonel Baker and Sir D. Forsyth applied for leave to travel through Afghanistan. It was not then unreasonable under these circumstances to think that there was danger in the movements of Europeans coming from Persia or Turkistan. It must also be recollected that Europeans had not been welcome in Afghanistan since the war; and that other nations, even a friendly one like Nepal, are extremely averse to their presence.

On the other hand, two actions of our Government

gave offence to Shere Ali. The chief of Wakhan, a feudatary subject of the Ameer, had shown some civility to a detachment of the Yarkand mission, and one Ibrahim Khan was deputed to take presents to him. It was intended that previous notice should be given, as in courtesy it should have been, to Shere Ali, but by some accident this was omitted. The matter was explained, but it caused annoyance to the Ameer, particularly because gifts were made directly to his feudatary by the British Government.

The other was a more serious affair. In November 1874, Shere Ali invited his son Yakoob to Cabul under a safe-conduct, and then flung him into prison. At this piece of treachery Lord Northbrook expressed displeasure, which Shere Ali strongly resented (vide A., pp. 124-126).

So things went on up to the time when the new policy was set in motion. Each side occasionally did what the other did not like, but there was no quarrel or apprehension of quarrel. There was, and is, no evidence whatever that Shere Ali thought of inviting Russian aid, or that the Russians were intriguing with him. Letters used to come from General Kaufmann, but they were brought quite publicly, and were, with the answers to them, shown to our Vakeel, Atta Mahomed Khan, and by him reported to our Government. The correspondence was such as, during Lord Mayo's and Lord Northbrook's time, was deemed at worst innocuous by both the Indian and Home Governments.' The Government of India at this time and up to January 1876, thought and said that our relations with Afghanistan were very far from perfect, as was to be expected between two Governments so unlike, but that they were certainly no worse, if not better, than they used to be. The attempts that have since been made to represent these relations as something intolerable, and as growing worse day by day, are wholly unwarranted by any authentic history.

1 See this correspondence explained and discussed inf. pp. 252–268. See also p. 229.

CHAPTER VI.

THE NEW POLICY RESISTED

On the 22nd January, 1875, Lord Salisbury, writing in the Secret Department of the Council of India, sent the following despatch (A., pp. 128, 129) to Lord Northbrook :—

To the Right Honourable the Governor-General of India.

January 22, 1875.

My Lord,-Her Majesty's Government have followed with anxious attention the progress of events in Central Asia, and on the frontiers of Persia and Afghanistan. Though no immediate danger appears to threaten the interests of Her Majesty in those regions, the aspect of affairs is sufficiently grave to inspire solicitude, and to suggest the necessity of timely precaution.

2. In considering the questions of policy which arise from time to time, Her Majesty's Advisers cannot but be struck with the comparative scantiness of the information which it is in your Excellency's power to supply. For knowledge of what passes in Afghanistan and upon its frontiers they are compelled to rely mainly upon the indirect intelligence which reaches them through the Foreign Office.

3. Your Excellency maintains a Native Agent at Cabul. I am informed that he is a man of intelligence and respectability. But it appears to be very doubtful whether he is in a condition to furnish you with any facts which it is not the Ameer's wish that you should receive. Even if you could rely upon the perfect frankness of his communications, it is not likely that any Native Agent would possess a sufficient insight into the policy of Western nations to collect the information you require. One of the principal qualifications for this function is the neutrality of feeling in respect to religious

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