and national controversies, which only a European can possess. Of the value of the Cabul diaries different opinions are expressed. It is obvious that they are very meagre, and doubts have been thrown upon their fidelity.

4. Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that more exact and constant information is necessary to the conduct of a circumspect policy at the present juncture. The disposition of the people in various parts of Afghanistan, the designs and intrigues of its chiefs, the movement of nomad tribes upon its frontier, the influence which foreign Powers may possibly be exerting within and without its borders, are matters of which a proper account can only be rendered to you by an English Agent residing in the country. There are many details moreover a knowledge of which it is material that the mili tary authorities should possess, and with respect to which it is not to be expected that a Native Agent would be either able or willing to collect for your Government trustworthy information.

5. I have therefore to instruct you to take measures, with as much expedition as the circumstances of the case permit, for procuring the assent of the Ameer to the establishment of a British Agency at Herat. When this is accomplished it may be desirable to take a similar step with regard to Candahar. I do not suggest any similar step with respect to Cabul, as I am sensible of the difficulties which are interposed by the fanatic violence of the people.

6. The Ameer has more than once in former years expressed his readiness to permit the presence of an Agent at Herat, and it is therefore not possible that, if his intentions are still loyal, he will make any serious difficulty now. But if he should do so, your Excellency will doubtless point out to him that the interests which Her Majesty feels in the integrity of Afghanistan makes it essential that she should be able to receive, from the observations of her own officers, warnings of danger that may threaten it.

7. I have dwelt upon the importance of an English Agency at Herat exclusively for the sake of the information an English officer might collect. But it will have other material, though more indirect, results. It will be an indication of English solicitude for the safety of our allies, and may so tend to discourage counsels dangerous to the peace of Asia.

I am, &c., (Signed) SALISBURY.

It seems a very extraordinary thing that a Secretary of State should, without any previous consultation or warning, without any attempt to ascertain the opinions of Indian officers, or even the correctness of the assumptions on which he is proceeding, issue peremptory orders to the Government of India to take action in a delicate and important matter of Indian policy. It is still more extraordinary when the orders given are a departure from existing treaties and from a settled course of policy approved by a succession of Viceroys and Secretaries of State. Such a course can only be justified by the most urgent necessity for immediate action. The course usually pursued by the Home Government has been to ascertain the views of the Indian Government and of the most responsible Indian officers, before coming to a conclusion on Indian affairs. Thus in the history of the present case we find that Sir Stafford Northcote, on receiving the Memorandum of Sir H. Rawlinson, sends it in the first instance to the Government of India for comment, and that he receives from them a conclusive answer to it. Lord Salisbury however thinks it right to pursue a different course, and to make up his mind before hearing what is to be said by the men immediately concerned in the administration of the affairs with which he is dealing.

The despatch of January 22, 1875, though addressed to the Governor-General, came in due course before the Governor-General in Council, popularly called the Government of India, the body in which, subject to displacement in certain exceptional cases, and subject to the undoubted obligation to obey the positive orders of the Secretary of State, the whole civil and military Government of India is vested by law, and from which orders to Indian officers should proceed. That body was naturally surprised at Lord Salisbury's sudden orders to adopt a new policy, and at once telegraphed to know whether they were to be obeyed at once, or whether delay would be allowable. Some delay being accorded, the Government of India proceeded, accord

ing to the usual and the prudent course, to make inquiries of its experienced officers. For it appeared to them not only that the measure ordered was inopportune and hazardous, but that the statements of fact on which it was based were of very doubtful accuracy. Some questions therefore were framed, and transmitted to the Government of the Punjab in the following letter (A., p. 135):

The Viceroy and Governor-General in Council directs me to request that his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor will be so good as to submit his opinion on the following points at as early a date as possible :

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İst. Whether the Ameer of Afghanistan would willingly consent to the appointment of European British officers as Residents at Herat and Candahar, or at either place.

2nd. Whether the presence of such Residents at either place would be advantageous to the British Government.

3rd. Whether the Lieutenant-Governor is satisfied with the sufficiency and accuracy of the intelligence now received from the British Agent at Cabul, and if not, whether he can suggest any way of procuring fuller and more accurate intelligence.

His Excellency in Council would wish the LieutenantGovernor confidentially to consult such officers in the Punjab as from previous or recent experience of the country he may consider competent to advise on these questions, and submit their opinions with his own.

It will be remembered that the Punjab Government is the local Government which is primarily responsible for the proper conduct of Afghan affairs.

Before going into the principal topic of controversy which has proved to be the turning point of the present quarrel with the Afghans, viz., the policy of pressing European officers upon the Ameer, it will be well to dispose of the minor issues raised by Lord Salisbury's despatch.

The hypothesis that Shere Ali once upon a time (Lord Salisbury says more than once) expressed a willingness to receive an European officer, has been clung to with a tenacity which would be surprising

even if the point were of importance. It rests on the statement of Captain Grey, founded on some notes which he made, at the time of the Umballa conference, of his conversations with Noor Mahomed, Shere Ali's Prime Minister (A., pp. 144, 145). Captain Grey notes that the Ameer was at that time eager to please. Supposing that he correctly understood Noor Mahomed, against that one expression by the Minister of a man eager to please, are to be set the clear opinion of the Ameer Dost Mahomed, the clear tenor of the Treaty of 1857, the clear understanding between Lord Mayo and Shere Ali himself at the Umballa conference, and the clear and strong expressions of Noor Mahomed at the Simla conference. Indeed, when Captain Grey writes to Noor Mahomed reminding him that he had expressed some qualified cpinions in favour of British Residents (F. A., p. 10), Noor Mahomed declares (A., p. 195) that it prejudiced him seriously. 'It was as much as an order for my death. It was laid before the Durbar, and I was at once pointed out as the encourager of your Government in this design.' All these things show beyond a doubt that the strong bent of Afghan policy was against the admission of European Residents into the country.

Moreover, if there were any real reliance on former opinions expressed by Shere Ali, is it not clear that the very first approach to him would be made by reminding him of those opinions and saying that the time was now come to act on them? Yet in Lord Lytton's earlier communications to Shere Ali there is not a word to this effect. He does indeed insist on the point in his instructions to Sir L. Pelly for the Peshawur conference; but Sir L. Pelly seems to have been quite silent about it. The first mention of the topic in any communication by the Viceroy to the Ameer is in a letter (A., p. 215), which, owing to the discontinuance of friendly intercourse, never was answered.

After all this it is astonishing to find Lord Lytton's despatch of the 10th May, 1877 (A., p. 161) relying on

the same topic as if it were established in point of fact. and were of importance to his case.

Supposing it to be true that Shere Ali himself, and not merely Noor Mahomed for him, had said in the year 1869 that he was ready to receive European officers, what could it signify if in 1876 we had reason to believe he was highly unwilling? Clearly the only important thing was to ascertain the state of his mind at the time of action.

Another question was as to the competency of Atta Mahomed, our Vakeel at Cabul. On this it seems sufficient to say that he was resident there for eight years, and it is not even now known that during that time anything of importance occurred in Afghanistan of which he failed to give timely notice. The Government of India know no instance, and none has been specified, to support Lord Salisbury's assertion that information about Afghanistan affairs came mainly through the Foreign Office.

The real and essential questions were, whether a European Resident was likely to do better service than an Indian one, and whether it was wise and politic to press upon the Ameer the reception of such an officer. And for the purpose of answering those questions it was desirable to know the state of Shere Ali's wishes.

The opinions of the officers consulted on these points will be found in A., pp. 136–146. There is not much substantial difference among them, and they are referred to in the next-quoted despatch. We quote here that of the officer of highest rank, Sir R. H. Davies, Lieut.Governor of the Punjab:

Copy of a Minute by His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab on the Inquiries contained in the Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign Department, No. 48 C.P., dated March 25, 1875.

Question 1. I have always had the impression that in the present state of affairs the Ameer would not willingly consent to the appointment of European British officers as Residents