If the republican managers educate the public mind. in the notion that the pressing present day issue is a revision of the tariff and an assault upon great corporations, it is almost a foregone conclusion that the voters of the country will not delegate a job of this sort to their party. An Interesting A very nice point in civil service reform, involving the rights of government employees, is likely to command the attention of the courts, as it has already received a good deal of discussion in the newspapers. The case, which is really an interesting one, may be summarized as follows: Miss Rebecca J. Taylor was a clerk in the war department at Washington. She was summarily dismissed from the service by Secretary Root, the only charge against her being that she was the author of a communication in a Washington newspaper in which President Roosevelt was charged with inconsistency regarding his Philippine policy. Miss Taylor claims that she was well within her constitutional rights in publishing the article, and she has resorted to the courts to compel the secretary of war to restore her to the position from which she was removed. In reply to the contention of Miss Taylor, the secretary, through the chief clerk of the war department, has made a rejoinder. The secretary says he did not dismiss Miss Taylor because of her political or religious affiliations, but because the published article, of which Miss Taylor was the author, was "captious, insubordinate and disrespectful, and prejudicial to the order and efficiency of the service." The case seems to have been badly muddled in the minds of many writers who have attempted to discuss it. There has ben a marked failure to understand the claimed rights of government employees under what is called the merit system. The holding of opinions, or the printing of them for that matter, would not seem to be sufficient cause for removal from the service, unless it can be shown that the thinking and conduct in such case renders the person incompetent to perform the services which his position demands. This, however, is a matter of fact to be determined by evidence, and not by the arbitrary will of a superior officer. Unless that position is maintained, any pretence of unmolested tenure in the civil service, free from partisan or political interference, would seem to be a sham. Miss Taylor may have been captious, and even disrespectful in her communication, and even then it must be shown that such an exhibition rendered her unable to perform the purely clerical services which her position required. That matter should surely be passed upon by a more judicial person than a partisan secretary of war. Miss Taylor claims that she had as good a right to criticise the administration in the newspapers as one of the civil service commissioners had to become a special pleader for the president's policy on the public rostrum. There seems to be reason in that contention; especially when it is considered that department clerks, and even presidents, are the servants of all the people. Many of the newspapers contend that the conduct of Miss Taylor in publishing this article was equivalent to an act of insubordination in the army; that it rendered her as offensive as if she had absolutely refused to perform the ordinary services included in her daily duties. This would seem to be also the view of Secretary Root; but there can be little ground for considering the various clerks in the civil service on the same plane, as regards discipline, as the enlisted soldier in the regular army, or that writing an article criticising the president is equivalent to a refusal to perform regular daily duty. This case plainly illustrates the undue nervousness which seems to prevail in certain quarters, when criticism of what is called "the government" is involved. There is a disposition to change the old saying, "The king can do no wrong," into a modern claim that the government can do no wrong, or, if it can, no one should say anything about it. While abuse and caricature are not justifiable, it is well to keep in mind the fact that progress is often, if not always, based upon the criticism and orderly discussion of governmental policies, and, if need be, of the government itself. It will not tend to good government to establish the precedent that the employees in the civil service are only allowed to think when they think in the quiet, and are to be discharged without investigation if they should think aloud by word of mouth, or commit their thoughts to paper and have them printed in the public press. Disorder in the The good order which last month's magazine reported as characterizing the strike Mining Regions of the anthracite coal miners, suddenly changed into riot and disorder on the 30th of July, in the town of Shenandoah, Pa. The deputy sheriff was conducting a non-union laborer past the union picket lines, when the strikers captured the laborer and beat him nearly to insensibility. It is said that the deputy sheriff discharged his revolver at the strikers, and then fled for refuge to the railroad station, with a mob of five thousand angry men at his heels. A brother of the deputy, attemping to go to the latter's rescue, was assaulted by the mob, and so roughly handled that he died on his way to the hospital. State troops were at once asked for and speedily hurried to the scene of disaster, Brigadier-General Gobin being placed in command. The first effect of the presence of the troops was to restore order, but as time elapsed antagonisms were aroused and a keen opposition to the presence of the troops was developed. Since the original outbreak at Shenandoah there have been disturbances at other places. A striking miner was shot and killed at Nesquehoning, and at various points nonstrikers have been attacked from ambush, and at Edgerton two men were fired upon and wounded. There are few signs of an improved condition either as regards the temper of the miners or the disposition of the operators to mine. coal. It is generally assumed that every act of violence and every attack, under cover, upon the soldiers or non-union men proceeded from the miners. In some cases, this as sumption is based on inference and not evidence. Around mining towns are many evil-disposed persons, idlers, tramps and criminals, who, out of sheer love of a rumpus, may do violent and illegal things, for which even the worst of the miners could not be held responsible. Whatever acts of violence or incitements to riot have proceeded from the strikers have been against the advice and in spite of the influence of the leaders of the miners' organization. The local leaders and President Mitchell counseled better things, and have condemned the disorderly and ciminal acts which have been committed at Shenandoah and other places. It must be remembered that a large number of the strikers are ignorant foreigners, who do not understand our language, and who have little knowledge and less regard for our laws. They constitute a turbulent and almost uncontrolable element in a time of enforced idleness, strained conditions, and increased opportunities and temptations to dissipation. Common sense counsels against a frenzy of indiscriminate condemnation. While coal mines continue to be manned by men representing the lowest type of European civilization, it may be taken for granted that there will be more or less trouble in the mining regions whenever any sort of an abnormal condition exists to invite it. If the number of business failures is an inCommercial Failures dex of prosperity, then the record for July, in July according to Bradstreet's, would indicate a very healthy commercial condition. In the whole United States there were but 775 failures during that month. While this number is thirteen per cent. more than occurred in the month of June, it is eight per cent. less than the record for the month of July, 1901. Only once during the last ten years has the number of July failures been so small as this year. More encouraging than the comparatively small number of failures are the lowered aggregate liabilities. The liabilities of this year's July failures amounted to $6,762,080, while in 1901 they were $15,120,204. To fairly appreciate the far-reaching difference between failures in a time of prosperity and in the midst of financial depression, we have only to compare 1893 with 1902. In July of the former year, the liabilities of the concerns which failed amounted to $89,559,384, or more than $82,000,000 in excess of the liabilities represented by the failures in July, 1902. Of the 775 failures in the country, 122 were in New York city, 134 in New England, 172 in the western states, and 97 in the southern states. What are called the middle states, of course including New York city, had 249 failures. This makes a total of 652 failures for New England and the middle, southern and western states, leaving a balance of 123 commercial wrecks to be divided between the northwestern and western states and the territories. Current Price The following are the latest wholesale price quotations, showing comparison with previous dates: |