vice be organized to lead boys down, virtue is organized to lead them up. You will find just as many goody-goody boys in the city as you will in the country, and they are just as worthless. Surely, if a people are satisfied, they will not advance. Discontent is at the bottom of progress. There may be discontent in the city, but there is more of it in the country, hence the great desire of the country boy to improve his condition. This greater desire impels him to greater effort. The city boy is more nearly satisfied. His ambition is not so keen, neither is his aspiration so strong. At the age of twenty he has imbibed from his surroundings more knowledge of the world than most farmers at thirty. There is such a thing as mental congestion or stagnation. It comes from too much learning or from a too-highly refined education. The natural intelligence of a boy ought to be developed by artificial intelligence, not destroyed or paralyzed. The man is to be pitied who knows a great many systematized facts, and yet can not make his own living. If there be three professors of Chaldee where one is needed, two will be helpless. If there be three wood-choppers where one is needed, the other two can husk corn or dig potatoes. Now, the city boy, with his suavity, refined education and polite manners, lacks the adaptability of his country competitors. His feet are educated to pavements, his touch to finished products, his eye to artistic landscapes. Contact with rough and crude material disconcerts him. He is familiar with satins and velvets, with concords and harmonies, with shades and tints, with palates and the dishes which serve them. He lacks persistent effort, because he lacks the inciting cause to effort-discontent. Of course, I am speaking of rational acts, not those of passion or caprice.

As I look at it, then, discontent is the primary cause of progress. It stimulates men to work for more than the necessaries, and it interprets the reason for the farm boy's great success. Reinforcing this cause is a method of development. We develop in two ways-from within and from without. Coming in contact with a great volume and variety of extrinsic facts, the mind of the city boy be

comes acute and quick to apprehend; soon curiosity is satisfied and lethargy sets in. Ambition and indifference do not subsist together. Contrariwise, the country boy learns to think, to reflect, to comprehend, to reason and to use what facts he acquires. This subjective method develops perseverance and courage; from them emanates hope. Let a man be excited to action by discontent; let him have patience, courage and hope; let him have the power to think clearly, with facts sufficient to inform his judgment and he will ignore opposition. The world recognizes these forces, organized to produce results, in its great admiration of foresight, will power and accomplishment. Even a narrow man may be a dangerous competitor, because of his capacity for concentration, but he never excites admiration.

The qualities which I set down as sufficient unto success beget earnestness-an earnest man is apt to be an honest man. He depends upon himself; he impresses that self upon others. He becomes an employer. He originates, contrives, leads. He wants good schools, good churches, good roads. He favors and founds institutions. His life-work is blended with those things that elevate society and ameliorate the conditions of those around him.

As a corollary to my position, let me cite the fact that in every country neighborhood there are a few contented people. They have dogs and children, liking both. They shoot rabbits by daylight, and procure melons or roastingears by starlight. They migrate from hovels to hospitals, and finally bring up at the poor-house or penitentiary.

Now, a few words more about the town boy. He makes a good clerk, a good book-keeper, a pleasant companion. He comes to be a little faded and to look a little seedy. He comes to lose some of his old-time contentment, but he still learns to dance a cotillion or play a game of cards with half the effort of his employer,-his employer, once a farm boy, now a benefactor.

EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE

THE CONDUCT of the corporations in the coal strike has been a puzzle to everybody. President Baer has solved the mystery by announcing that "the rights and interests of the laboring man will be protected and cared for, not by the labor agitators, but by the Christian men to whom God, in His infinite wisdom, has given control of the property interests of the country." Nothing has ever emanated from the "divinely appointed" ruler of all the Russias, or any other absolute potenate, more arrogant, more insulting to manhood, more repugnant to the true Christian spirit and to common sense, or to the idea of democracy, than this. Such a notion is intolerable in this country. Personal freedom and property rights must suffer and ultimately perish under any régime of government based upon such a theory.

THE ELECTION of William S. Devery as the recognized leader of the Tammany forces in the Ninth election district in New York city is a significant event. He is probably the most brazenly corruptible and corrupting man in public life in New York, if not in the United States. His success was not the result of a dictatorial conspiracy, but of the most thoroughly public, frank, straightforward and above-board canvass of the district. There were two other candidates striving for the place, but Mr. Devery adopted the lowest and most brazenly debauching use of money, beer and abuse that he could invent. Several weeks of the free distribution of these, and all the exposure that the press of the city and the other candidates could furnish, and Mr. Devery won, high and dry. His election as leader of the district gives him a seat in the highest councils of Tammany Hall, and he is without doubt the most truly representative person in that august body. His success under these circumstances furnishes an unerring picture of the Tammany character. Bad is Tammany, and Devery is its prophet.

"Yet the sound of weeping for them [the New York shop girls] is scarcely heard in their streets, but, strange to say, right from that quarter wells up a gushing gurgle of holy hysteria about the education of whites and negroes alike in the South, the terrible ‘benighted' and 'backward' South-hysterics vociferously and enthusiastically echoed by dreamers about 'child slavery' in southern cottonmills. Bah!'-Manufacturers' Record.

"It is sufficient answer to this organ of southern industry to say that southern men and women are in the forefront of the battle for the children, and that such help as they are receiving from the North is in response to their appeals for aid and their readiness to criticise their own institutions and laws. The northern newspapers which have spoken out manfully against this outrage are, moreover, not open to the charge of criticising the South from a holier-than-thou point of view, because they have freely and readily admitted that the responsibility for the existing conditions rests largely with the northern capitalists who deliberately determined to employ children of tender age and to defeat all corrective legislation."-New York Evening Post.

THE Evening Post expresses the sentiment of the progressive journals and enlightened public opinion of the country, South as well as North. The ill-natured scolding by the Manufacturers' Record of all who favor this humane movement is happily the striking exception among southern journals. The more the movement increases in popularity the louder the Record rages, until its storming has really become a sign of progress.

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S address at Cincinnati is unmistakably the strongest public utterance he has made during his speaking itinerary. He states the different points of view with clearness and precision, and gives a mortal blow to the theory that tariff reduction is a cure for the evils of trusts. He made, with telling emphasis, the point. so often presented in these pages, that to whatever extent a reduction of tariff would cripple the very large corporations it would more seriously injure the small ones in the same industry, and entire removal of protective duties would be fatal to the small concerns.

Thus, the effect of that policy would be, not to lessen the monopolistic element in large corporations, but to increase it by killing all the small competitors. If the tariff

has any effect at all upon the prosperity of these concerns, it has the most helpful effect on the small ones. Its tendency, therefore, is to insure competition by perpetuating the existence of the smaller competitors. The result of protection is to help wholesome competition among domestic industries, and not to foster monopoly. The abolition of protection would be to destroy competition and make monopoly much more easy to accomplish.

Much of the president's Cincinnati speech was sound and strong, and his best friends might well wish that he had delivered none other.

"The editor of GUNTON'S MAGAZINE quoted with some amplitude from us what we had to say about the business inconvenience of tariff revision; but he took good care not to reprint what we had to say as reasons why, in spite of this temporary inconvenience, a revision of the tariff should be speedily undertaken.”—Boston Herald, Sept. 22nd.

IF THERE IS any danger that a single reader of this magazine should suspect the Herald of being opposed to tariff revision, we hasten to correct that impression. It never was guilty of such an offence. The Herald has been ready, on all occasions, to aid in lowering the tariff under any available pretext.

The point of the quotation was to call attention to the fact that "such a pronounced advocate of tariff revision as the Boston Herald" admits that "even a republican tariff revision would tend to temporarily, at least, depress business activity." That our readers should not suspect the Herald of being opposed to tariff revision merely because it would create a disturbance, we quoted the following:

"But to those who have at heart the best interests of the American people, both now and hereafter, the fact that the taking of a necessary dose of medicine for a really serious disease produces a temporary nausea, furnishes not the least reason for refusing to take it."

The only difference between GUNTON'S MAGAZINE and the Boston Herald is, that we prefer business prosperity to tariff revision, and the Herald prefers tariff revision to business prosperity.