ordering strikes for mere whims, breaking of contracts and similar irresponsible acts, that is the chief basis of the determination of the mine-owners not to recognize the unions. In other words, the cause for this seemingly wan ton opposition of the employers is mainly in the conduct of the laborers themselves. If laborers want the unions recognized, they must make them worth recognition. The whole standard of labor organizations must be raised, or they will be forever under the ban. Employers, like laborers, are human; they will seek the lesser of two evils that confront them. Yet, the remedy is not suppression of unions but their improvement and perfection, and this can never be accomplished by unqualified antagonism of employers. The real remedy lies in the direction of greater responsibility by the unions themselves for their conduct. Trade unions, like corporations, should become legal, chartered institutions.

The settlement of the strike by the arbitration commission may terminate the present conflict and establish peaceable relations, but it will not solve the problem involved in this strike. As the operators have frequently stated, the conditions of work are so varied that it is practically impossible to have a uniform piece-work rule throughout the whole anthracite region. This is made the basis of the objection to recognize the general labor organization. Before the problem is satisfactorily solved. a new basis of employment will be necessary in order that a substantially uniform system may prevail. If this is accomplished, so that the same contract will furnish substantially the same results for all, and the unions become incorporated institutions, responsible for their agreements and the conduct of their members, the foundation will have been laid for a workable relation between the miners and the mine-owners, with union recognition, without demoralization of management. It is in this line, and not in brute-force resistance to unions, that the peaceful solution of this vexed problem must ultimately be found.

MUNICIPAL SITUATION IN NEW YORK

CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF

The country-wide interest in last year's greater New York mayoralty campaign and its outcome affords a striking illustration of the growing appreciation of the importance of municipal problems. Throughout the length and breadth of this land the people were deeply concerned as to who was to be mayor of the first city of the United States. The papers and magazines were filled with articles and pictures concerning its various features. Sermons were preached and addresses delivered, and I have no doubt prayers offered, bearing upon the New York situation. It was regarded as a vital matter, and the triumph of Low and Jerome was generally regarded as a triumph of righteousness and decency of importance and influence, not alone in greater New York, but in every city and town in the country. It gave courage to the weak and faltering and faint-hearted, and strengthened the hands of the workers for municipal advancement everywhere.

Nor has the interest in the situation abated. Keen eyes and interested ones are watching every move of Mayor Low and District Attorney Jerome and their colleagues. Their successes are rejoiced over, their mis-steps criticised and discussed.

I think it can be said without the slightest exaggeration that the affairs of New York city are attracting as much attention as any other phase of political activity, city, state or national. This is a just recognition of the importance and position of municipal affairs. Mayor Low is second in authority and power to no other official in the United States, with the single exception of President Roosevelt. He controls the destinies of more employees and officials and has the disbursement of a greater budget and affects more directly and potently the lives of more people. The attention accorded him and his administration is therefore in keeping

with the importance of his work. Mr. Low was elected as mayor because so large a number of democrats were ready to put the city's interests above those of their party.

A difficult condition of affairs has arisen, and one which has not invariably made for efficiency. A mayor without the backing of a closely organized dominant party is in a position of great difficulty. He must succeed upon the merits of his administration, and, as he cannot do all that his once sanguine supporters want, he is likely to disappoint many more than he can possibly satisfy. There will be more or less disappointment with non-partisan mayors until the people reach the point of disregarding party lines in judging the acts of officials as well as at election times.

The New York situation has been and is most instructive. To begin with, the Low campaign was waged from beginning to end as a citizens' movement. Even the republican party which nominated Mr. Low and the whole fusion ticket took occasion to say formally and deliberately that:

"The republican city convention of New York represents a partisan organization. We believe that the federal and state governments can be conducted only by the party system; but we feel that the case is different with the administration of municipal affairs. The great city is a great business corporation. There should not be such a thing as a republican or a democratic way of cleaning the streets, or collecting the taxes, or arresting the pool-room and dive-keepers; and it makes no difference whether a man is a republican or a democrat when his 'duties are to manage the police department, to conduct the finances, or to supervise the whole municipal administration."

This National Municipal League doctrine formed the basis of the Low campaign. The great majority given the fusion ticket was indeed a mighty triumph, but the spirit manifested by the successful candidates was still more significant. Not one looked upon his election as the fruition but only as the commencement of his work. Mayor Low in making his appointments was guided by the same principles, and gathered around him an unusually capable and public-spirited group of men, and although some may not have entirely fulfilled expectations all are imbued with a sincere desire to serve the city to the best of their ability.

The city is the object of their solicitude. Public welfare is their first consideration. This is a great gain, even though every appointment may not prove to be a wise one.

The Low administration has another difficulty in that it must weld into a city party and administration the various elements cooperating in its election. The scheming politicians as represented by the Tammany and Philadeldelphia organizations win their battles by the very compactness and completeness of their organization. They move and work like the trained regular armies that they are. They are always at it, between as well as at elections. Mayor Low was elected by a fusion of forces at the polls, a considerable part of which represented dissatisfaction with the conduct of the hitherto dominant party, but not necessarily a full and complete renunciation of it. These men will have a tendency to revert to their former ties unless they can be made to see and realize that the redemption of the city depends upon a permanent disregard of party interests and ties in municipal affairs. Accordingly, if the citizens' union can be made the nucleus of a permanent organization of the voters of New York, based on the principle of the cooperation of all men, whether republicans, democrats, socialists, or prohibitionists, who want clean and wholesome government in New York, and who are ready and willing to work for it, then one of the burdens of Mayor Low will be materially lightened. The need of such a permanent citizens' body was voiced by President Wheeler H. Peckham, of the City Club, in a speech made after the November election:

"The last four years in New York have emphatically shown the necessity for an organization which shall aim at good city effort to reform an existing evil, the government. As a mere spasmodic effort, the present result is not a great one, but as an earnest of what is to come it is important and encouraging. Citizens must recognize that control of the city government will always be a tremendous prize for political rascals, and, if they desire to obtain all the advantages of the present victory, they must organize and continue their organization for all time."

Abram S. Hewitt expressed the same thought with equal forcefulness:

"I am well aware that the fusion party is a heterogeneous organization, and that perfect organization in such circumstances is more or less difficult, but now is the time for organization. The motive for fusion has ceased, because Tammany has been put out. What is the substitute? A love for good government, a determination to have it. The citizens' union, which represents the citizens who desire good government, has had, perhaps, a languishing existence. Now is the time, when it has demonstrated its strength, to strengthen it further."

That the Low administration would escape criticism was not to be expected. The character of the comments thus far made, however, are of a most encouraging kind. In the first place, it shows how high an estimate has been placed upon the character and ability of Mayor Low and his colleagues. In the second place, it is an evidence of the advance and development of public sentiment. Many things have been subjected to criticism under this administration which would have escaped it altogether under the Strong administration and been regarded as inevitable. In a way the standards of a people are evidenced by the objects of their criticism. Judged by this canon, the people of New York have made really wonderful progress. As a matter of fact, Mayor Low is entitled to regard the bulk of the criticism that has been directed at his administration as in the nature of a compliment and as illustrating the value of his mayoralty campaigns.

In forming any just estimate of his administration thus far we must bear in mind that he received a big heritage of old methods and instrumentalities. He could not begin de novo, but was compelled to take conditions as he found them and slowly but surely reform and remodel them. This has notably been the case with the police force. With but a few exceptions it is the same now as under Tammany, and under the law cannot be changed. What progress has been made has been accomplished through the different spirit which has been infused into the force by its head. In time this will work its way all through and will manifest itself