BOOK REVIEWS

HISTORY OF INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT: ON THE LINES OF MODERN EVOLUTION. By John Beattie Crozier. Two volumes. Longmans, Green & Co., London, New York and Bombay.

This work is a very ambitious attempt to treat the problem of civilization historically as an evolution and constructively as projecting the lines upon which nations and civilization should be reconstructed, so as to put social institutions into natural relation to the law of evolution. The scheme of the work was to comprise three volumes, but the author decided to write the third volume before attempting the task of the second. The reason for this, the author tells us, which was due to a suggestion by John Morley, was that through a fear of failing eyesight, which might prevent the ultimate completion of the work, he decided to write the third volume, because that contained his scheme for reconstructing the political institutions of modern nations. This scheme being the practical outcome of the whole work, it was thought more important to give the third volume, which should contain it, before running the risk of failure to complete the work by writing the second volume.

The first volume is a very able review of the history of natural development. As is necessary in such a work, much space is devoted to the development of the different ideas of religion and theories of the universe. Most of this ground has been equally well covered by Draper, Comte and Spencer. The advantage of this work over any of those named, however, is that when the second volume is added it is intended to furnish a logical, historical foundation upon which to apply a constructive theory of practical statesmanship, applicable to all

nations and races.

This does not mean, of course, that

the same policy would produce the same effects on all nations and under all conditions, but rather that the general principle is applicable to all nations, the means varying according to the various states of civilization and other conditions.

There is much wholesome sanity in the author's discussion of the experiments and theories for creating ideal society. His chapter on "Some Economic Ideals, "The Practical Statesman" and "Socialism" are filled with wholesome sense and helpful criticism. Few authors write so discriminately of the characteristics of the institutions of different countries. The author is manifestly free from any partisan devotion to monarchy and aristocracy, yet he has but scant regard for the political formula of absolute equality. He clearly observes the tendency of progress towards democracy of government and economic freedom, but he has little respect for the English fetish laissez faire, which comes in for frequent reference. Socialism and communism are very ably discussed and are shown to be among the false utopias born of the absolute equality idea. Showing how the same idea or policy will arise in different countries from different causes, he says (page 71):

"The cry for liberty, equality and fraternity arose in France and was blown into a white heat primarily by political causes, while the cries for laissez faire, freedom of contract, and the rest, were in England due to causes primarily economic, so the enthusiasm for universal suffrage had in these respective countries a similarly opposite origin, while in America it had an origin different from both."

The nib of his scheme for political reconstruction is that institutions should rest upon character and capacity, instead of on caste, blood and tradition on the one hand, or mere equal rights of all to everything, and the rotation of office, on the other.

In France the tendency should be to eliminate socialism and communism and encourage more concen

tration of productive energies, especially in the direc tion of the land, into larger yieldings, and on the side of labor the encouragement of trade unions and cooperative societies.

In England the scheme is to eliminate the reverence for class distinction and family tradition, but keep the quality of the English gentlemen as a conspicuous standard of merit.

In America our author thinks we have altogether too much equality. As to the house of representatives in congress, but for the veto of the president, he thinks:

"No machinery deliberately designed for the encouragement of bribery and corruption could be more accurately adapted to the purpose than this of congress; or, for that matter, of the legislatures of the several states. All the arrangements which in civil life experience has suggested and art perfected for successful assignation, and for the bringing together of the conspirator and his victims, have here reached their flower and consummation."

As a remedy for much of this corrupting influence in the American congress, this author would deprive committees of much of their power of private session, commit all bills and proposals for legislation to a general committee before committing them to the individual standing or special committees, and so bring the proposals for legislation under a greater and more responsible body in congress. He would have longer terms of office, have elections for different officers at different times, and have cities segregated from all interference with state legislatures; in other words, establish distinct municipal home rule.

In the sphere of economics, he says the growing large corporations and trusts are a natural characteristic of industrial development, but in order to prevent them from exercising injurious control in industry every encouragement should be given to the organization and development of labor unions, that the one may become quite as dangerous if the development of the other is

not measurably encouraged. Here, again, he points out that the United States is in danger of suffering from the fetish of "utopian equality" much as England is from that of laissez faire.

The author's methods for accomplishing economic and political reconstruction are here outlined with some detail and not a little sense, and he admits must be brought about by education. The method of this education should be to establish a bible of the nations; that is to say, it shall have an intelligent authorship, and shall contain the standard for general policy of statesmanship, a political bible containing the accepted principles along the lines of which public policy should be conducted for the development of the highest character, efficient government and economic relations. No blanket method of absolute equality, in which every man is as good as every other, and should hold all the offices in rotation, or every man receive as much wages. as every other, or any system which should arbitrarily make social caste the line of demarcation for preference, can ever produce this result. He says (page 220):

"Then, again, our new political bible would keep within reasonable bounds the doctrine of laissez faire, or leave all things alone to work out their own destiny, a doctrine which grew directly out of the factory system, and presided over the politics of England in the interests of the employers for the greater part of the century; an utopia founded on the illusion that because men on the pavement and traffic on the street (where all have equal rights) will get along best if left to themselves and the rule of the road, it will be the same with industry,-even should a certain number of persons have succeeded, like barons of the middle ages, in seizing the favored positions on the heights, and so be able to exact tax and toll from all who chance to pass by. . . . Our bible of civilization as supreme guide in practical politics would have prevented these extreme utopias."

There is much to be said in favor of the idea at least that, as industrial and political life becomes more complex, principles of political philosophy and sound doctrine become more and more necessary in shaping all

public policy, and that these may become effective they must become more or less authoritative. In no other way will the hit-and-miss, haphazard industrial legislation and political policy with which this country is now being afflicted be overcome.

ISRAEL PUTNAM: PIONEER, RANGER AND MAJORGENERAL. By William Farrand Livingston. Cloth, 442 pages. Price, by mail, $1.50. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London.

Mr. Livingston has given us quite an interesting and painstaking biography of one of the most strenuous of our colonial and revolutionary heroes. A reasonable effort has been made to separate the fiction from the fact in the life of Putnam, and, judged from the references to sources of information, the author speaks as one having authority, and not as a mere

romancer.

Most people think of Israel Putnam as warrior and adventurer, whose daring led him to follow a she-wolf to her den, and perform other feats requiring marvelous physical courage. But another side of his character is revealed in this book.

Gen. Putnam was a successful man of affairs in his day and generation. He was prudent and prosperous, had an interesting family, and for the time a particularly attractive home. Therefore, when he left his plow standing in the furrow to join the patriot army, he was giving up all that men hold dear in this world, and not simply going to war as a congenial pastime. He became a successful warrior, as he was a successful farmer, on his merits. In addition to all this we are told that he was a humane and kindly man, helpful to his neighbors and loyal to his friends to a marked degree.

Putnam's ancestors were men of sense and convic