Contemporary France

I was at that time sixteen. The generation to which I belong was barely emerging from childhood : it saw everything, its intellect was matured by that cruel spectacle. I came to Paris to begin my studies some months after the Commune. The city was dejected, and there were traces of hidden agitation.

From that time pressing questions arose in me : What had been the causes of the greatness of France in the past? What were the causes of her defeat? What would be the moving forces in her approaching resurrection?

My manhood has applied itself to the solution of the problems put by my youth. It has sometimes allowed itself to be diverted from its studies, but has never lost sight of them.

If our existence were not so short and fleeting we should review it again and again to reflect upon the lessons which it gives. In the haste to live we neglect too often the reasons for living. The events of which we have been spectators, in which we have taken part, are not studied by us. A people, still less even than a man, can return to its past of yesterday and profit by the sole effective experience, that which comes from contact with reality.

Every day the democracy is required to settle the most arduous problems, and fails to remember that they have been raised a hundred times already, and that the answer has already been given by itself, only yesterday.

Conscious of this lack of information, I have applied myself to contemporary history, and in spite of the perils of the subject, I have decided to write it from henceforth.

I will borrow an expression from the profession

which has long been my own this book might be the "dossier" of the Democracy. I have proposed to myself to lay before the Democracy in the forthcoming pages a sufficient quantity of definite information, of documents which have been checked, of precedents which have been verified. I would wish the Democracy to pause one moment for reflection, and to consider its own acts and deeds, which in proportion as they are left behind become history.

Henri Martin wrote a Popular History of France. I continue his work and follow his example. Perhaps the circumstance will be remarked that in one and the same family two generations will have worked upon the same task in succession.

Writing for a Democracy, I was bound to aim at clearness, simplicity, rapidity; to my readers I owed good faith and impartiality. However there could be no question of parting company with myself, and my life says plainly enough that in political matters, which are the chief subject of history, I have taken sides: I am a Republican.

I could have wished this work to be more complete without being longer, more exact without being more minute. But the facts of contemporary history are often without sufficient explanation, its motives difficult to disentangle or express.

I shall welcome eagerly and gratefully-need I say so?-fresh information, corrections, criticisms, which may be addressed to me.

It remains to thank those who have helped me in the preparation of this first volume. In the first place my friend and careful secretary and collaborator, M. Henri Girard, whose unwearied labour has accompanied me from my first note to the last sheet of the proofs; then many persons whose liberality

has showered upon me documents, information, reminiscences, advice.

To these kindly communications, I have owed precious collections proceeding from M. Thiers, even before they had been delivered, with discretion, to the public. I owe much to the memory of men who played a leading part in the events: Gambetta, Jules Ferry, Challemel-Lacour, Spuller: their conversations and their stories have remained present in my thoughts. I owe much to M. Pallain, who knows so many things, and tells them so gracefully ; to my colleague, M. le Comte Othenin d'Haussonville, who was so good as to entrust to me the unpublished Journal of his father, Comte d'Haussonville; to General the Marquis d'Abzac; to my colleague, M. Léopold Delisle; to my excellent comrade, M. Mortreuil, general secretary of the National Library; to my friend, M. Pierre Bertrand, librarian at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; to M. Paul Hebert. I should never come to an end if I wished to mention all. May I be at least permitted lastly to thank the courageous publishers, who have not hesitated to follow me in this vast and difficult undertaking.

G. H.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

France in 1870-The Imperial Policy of Nationalities leads

up to the War with Prussia-The Government of National

Defence The Conclusion of the Armistice-France after

the War-The Elections-The National Assembly at

Bordeaux-M. Thiers Chief of the Executive of February

8, 1871