Secretary Acheson certainly knew, from my letter of resignation, why I had resigned; but he said he did not find out until my recent speeches that I appeared to be opposing the foreign policy as announced after Yalta.

Secretary Acheson well knew that I did approve the policy announced in the Atlantic Charter and Iran declarations, and in the addresses of President Roosevelt and of President Truman; but I contended that the policy that was being made effective by our State Department was in conflict with the policy announced by the top authorities of our Government.

Now, you want some evidence of that-of that statement, rather than just a passing statement from me.

I hold before you, gentlemen, a document issued by the State Department, printed by the Government Printing Office, entitled "Making the Peace Treaties, 1941 to 1947."

I had better give the number of that, too. It is Department of State Publication 2774, European Series, 24.

That tells the American people officially the facts pertaining to treaty making and the basis of our appearance at making peace.

There is not, in that publication, one line to show that the Iran declaration and the principles and objectives for which we were fighting were approved over the signature of Joseph V. Stalin for Russia, Winston S. Churchill for Great Britain, and Franklin D. Roosevelt for the United States.

That is too much to publish in this record, but I ask you gentlemen to examine one of the finest jobs of deception of the American people that the State Department has yet put out.

There it is, published and circulated all over the world as the basis of peace, As a matter of fact, it submerged, obliterated, defeated the real principles, the principles in conformity and in keeping with the philosophy of the American system of liberty.

Now let us hasten to a close.

You can now understand, if you will permit me to reiterate what I said, why I said the astonishing feature of our American foreign policy is the wide discrepancy between our announced policies and the conduct of our foreign relations by the State Department.

You may ask me now, "What is wrong with the present foreign policy?"

The answer is that since Yalta it does not support the principles of individual liberty, self-government, self-determination, and justice, for which we said we were fighting.

The policy has been changed to support imperialism and to appease communism.

Now, Secretary Acheson has said-and I don't want to engage in a personal controversy, because they don't settle anything but he has said, in answer to a question by Senator Fulbright and, I think, Senator McMahon-no; I think it was Senator Sparkman-that he recently found out that I complained that the State Department was not supporting the policy approved by the President.

As evidence of that fact, in just laying a foundation for the rest of the inquiry, I present a true copy of a letter which I sent to President Roosevelt under date of September 17, 1944. This letter may also indicate to you that I was at that time, and contrary to the statements made by Mr. Acheson, quite critical of both Secretary Ache

son and the policy; and I did present it all at that time to President Roosevelt.

Now, I don't want to keep the committee too long. I notice that you are looking at your watches, but I think that this is essential to conclude this opening statement, because of the fact, in answer to the question, I think that Secretary Acheson definitely left the conclusion that this quarrel between whether or not the State Department was making effective the real American foreign policy or not is recent.

LETTER TO PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT, 1944, ON IRAN

This is dated in 1944, long before the Yalta Agreement; long before any of us were speaking our minds, except to our superiors; and I think it may be said that I never did speak my mind to anyone except with the approval of, and under the direction of my then chief, President Roosevelt.

Now, I will read this.

Senator SALTONSTALL. The date please?

General HURLEY. The date is September 17. I don't know whether it would be necessary to read this entire thing.

Senator KNOWLAND. Mr. Chairman, I would like to suggest that Mr. Hurley read the letter because otherwise we won't get a chance to examine the transcript until tomorrow and we may want to examine it before.

General HURLEY. Yes, sir.

Chairman RUSSELL. If he wishes he may read it all.

General HURLEY. Fine, fine; I shall read all of it.

Hon. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT,

White House, Washington, D. C.

DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: On my way from Moscow to Chungking we stopped at Teheran. While there I interview your Ambassador, the Honorable Leland Morris, certain members of his staff, and in the absence of Major General Conley, I interviewed Brigadier General Sweet, acting area commander.

I was astonished to learn at first hand in a very brief period of the very startling deterioration that has taken place in America's position in Iran. While I am no longer your personal representative in Iran

at this time I was Ambassador to China

I deem it my duty, sir, to give you a quick review of the rise and fall of America's influence in Iran so that you may have before you the pertinent facts that will enable you to take whatever action you may deem appropriate.

My first detailed report to you on Iran is dated May 13, 1943. After stating all of the facts I made the following recommendations:

"I believe you must assume at least that degree of leadership that will justify the confidence of the officials and the people of Iran in America's capacity to uphold the principles of the Atlantic Charter, and to assure the continued existence of Iran as a free nation. Under your leadership there must be found also a solution of the Russian-Britain conflict.

"I recommend initially that Iran be assured that America insists upon the principles of the Atlantic Charter and that those principles do apply to Iran. "2. That Iran be permitted to join the United Nations in a declaration of war against the Axis."

I will interpolate there to say that the President immediately directed to proceed to obtain such a declaration, and I did obtain it from the Shah. The King of Iran declared war on the Axis and joined the United Nations, although all the propaganda up to that time was to the effect that he was pro-Axis.

"3. That the American and British Legations be raised immediately to the status of Embassy.

"4. And that American and British Ambassadors compatible to each other and able to understand and promote British-American-Russian cooperation may be appointed to Iran."

Every one of those recommendations was finally fulfilled by President Roosevelt.

At the time I made these recommendations Iran was being treated as proAxis or occupied enemy territory. The Government of Iran had been rendered impotent by the occupying forces.

The Shah was very distressed by this situation. He said that he and his people were not in fact pro-Axis; they were pro-United Nations. He admitted that there were some of the people of Iran, like some of the people of most other nations, who were pro-Axis.

I then suggested to the Shah that his government could remove all doubt on that question as to whether Iran was pro-United Nations or pro-Axis by declaring war on the Axis. I told him that if he would declare war on the Axis the welfare of his own people and the status of his nation would be improved. Iran did shortly thereafter declare war on the Axis.

Later during the Tehran Conference I presented for your consideration a declaration pertaining to Iran, which you approved and which you had adopted by the conference.

Now this is President Roosevelt doing this.

In the Iran Declaration the three powers-America, Britain, and Russiapledged themselves to maintain the independence, sovereignty, and the territorial integrity of Iran. The three powers recognized the assistance Iran had given in the prosecution of the war and pledged themselves to give such economic assistance as might be possible during the progress of the war and to give full consideration to Iran's economic situation in the postwar period, and to reaffirm the principles of the Atlantic Charter.

At this writing all the recommendations I made to you in my letter of May 13th have been made effective by you.

A copy of the Iran Declaration is attached.

On December 21, 1943

Now remember that the Iran Declaration is December 1, 1943in compliance with the suggestion made by you—

that is, by President Roosevelt

-I rendered for you a full report with recommendations for an American policy in Iran. A portion of that policy is as follows:

It is the purpose of the United States to sustain Iran as a free, independent nation and to afford the Iranian people an opportunity to enjoy the rights of man and to participate in the fulfillment of the principles of the Atlantic Charter. The policy of the United States toward Iran, therefore, is to assist in the creation in Iran of a government based upon the consent of the governed, and a system of free enterprise which will enable that nation to develop its own resources for the primary benefit of its own people.

Iranian resources are adequate to sustain a program to help Iran help herself. By this program of self-government and well-directed self-help, Iran can achieve for herself the fulfillment of the principles of justice and freedom of conscience and freedom of the press and equality of opportunity.

To accomplish the above the United States will furnish at the invitation of the Iranian Government experts in any or all the fields of government. All the experts and advisers to Iran by the United States will be paid by the Iranian Government and implemented in their operations by authority of Iranian law, and will not be a financial responsibility of the American taxpayer.

The United States will not ask or receive any special privilege in return for these services. The American advisers will be fully indoctrinated in the policies of our own Government toward Iran and shall make regular progress reports to our State Department.

This indictrination and requirement of reporting will provide a vital element of coordination which is essential to the direction of our policy and the protection of American interest.

Modern history of this country shows

Now, I think I have quoted a lot of this in my letter to the President, but if you put the rest of the quotation in, because I am now dealing in the modern history of Iran, which I think would be of little interest to you this morning.

But what I would like to say is there in what I have read is what is now the point 4 program, except that I insisted because of the bountiful resources of Iran and the other Middle East nations that they should pay the cost of development of their own resources, and it should not become a burden on the American taxpayer.

Senator SALTONSTALL. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that the historical part of Mr. Hurley's letter be put in the record at this point.

General HURLEY. Yes, sir; I will submit the whole thing. That means you can copy the whole thing.

Chairman RUSSELL. You mean to be printed in the record at this juncture or to follow the morning's proceedings?

Senator SALTONSTALL. No; at this juncture to save the time.
Chairman RUSSELL. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(The document above referred to is as follows:)

It is the purpose of the United States to sustain Iran as a free, independent nation, and to afford the Iranian people an opportunity to enjoy the rights of man as set forth in the Constitution of the United States and to participate in the fulfillment of the principles of the Atlantic Charter.

The policy of the United States toward Iran, therefore, is to assist in the creation in Iran of a government based upon the consent of the governed, and of a system of free enterprise which will enable that nation to develop its resources primarily for the benefit of its own people. Iranian resources are adequate to sustain a program to help Iran to help herself. By this program of self-government and well-directed self-help, Iran can achieve for herself the fulfillment of the principles of justice, freedom of conscience, freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom from want, equality of opportunity, and, to a degree, freedom from fear.

To accomplish the above, the United States will furnish, upon invitation of the Iranian Government, expert advisers in any or all of the fields of government. All experts and advisers furnished to Iran by the United States will be paid by the Iranian Government and implemented in their operations by authority of Iranian law, and will not be a financial responsibility of the American taxpayer. The United States will not ask or receive any special privileges in return for these services.

American advisers will be fully indoctrinated in the policy of our own Government toward Iran and shall make regular progress reports to our State Department. This indoctrination and requirement of reporting will provide a vital element of coordination which is essential to direction of our policy and protection of our interests.

Modern history of this country shows it to have been dominated by a powerful and greedy minority. The people have also been subjected to foreign exploitation and monopoly. In extending American assistance to the building of an improved society in Iran, there must be imposed a sufficient degree of supervision and control over free enterprise and personal aggression to protect the unorganized and inarticulate majority from foreign and domestic monopoly and oppression.

Inauguration in Iran of the American pattern of self-government and free enterprise will be an assurance that proceeds from development of Iranian resources will be directed substantially to the building of schools, hospitals, sanitary systems, and improvement of all facilities contributing to the health, happiness, and general welfare of the Iranian people.

This plan of nation building may be improved through our experience in Iran and may become the criterion for the relations of the United States toward all the nations which are now suffering from the evils of greedy minorities, monopolies, aggression, and imperialism.

The American people, single-mindedly devoted to independence and liberty, are fighting today not to save the imperialisms of other nations nor to create an

imperialism of our own but rather to bestow upon the world the benevolent principles of the Atlantic Charter and the four freedoms.

The whole plan is predicated on your desire to raise the standard of living in other nations as a means of sustaining our own standard of living. The standard of living in other nations cannot be substantially or permanently raised by lend-lease or doles. The American taxpayers would not be able to pay for a continuance of relief for the world on a lend-lease basis. Therefore, as I understood you, our purpose was, as stated above, to establish free governments and free enterprise and to lend expert advise and leadership in developing the resources and the commerce and building up generally the industry of each of the less-favored nations so that the citizens, through their own efforts, could raise their own standard of living. The American agents or experts were to be paid by the nations in which they served and would not be a burden on the American taxpayer. All of this is in conflict with the opinions of those who believe that the American taxpayer can become the Santa Claus to the whole world, and is also in conflict with the opinions of all who favor imperialism, monopoly, and exploitation.

On March 25, 1944, I received a letter from you which is, in full, as follows: MARCH 25, 1944.

DEAR PAT: Your letter of December 21, 1943, concerning Iran contains suggestions of very great interest. I am thrilled with the idea of using our efforts in Iran as an example of what can be done by an unselfish American policy. If we can get the right kind of American experts who will remain loyal to their ideals, I feel certain that our policy of aiding Iran will succeed.

You are right that the distribution of lend-lease supplies throughout the Middle East should be taken over by our own people, and I have let the Secretary of State know my views in this matter.

Very sincerely yours,

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT.

Now I think, gentlemen, that I am reasonably assured that the policy which I had outlined had the approval of the highest official of the United States and that it had been communicated to the State Department. I continue:

This letter is excellent. It indicates that you approved and desired to make effective the plan for Iran.

I was permitted also to read in the State Department your memoranda of January 12, 1944, addressed to the Secretary of State, with which you transmitted my report. You expressed to the Secretary your desire to use Iran as an example of what we could do with an enlightened, unselfish American policy. You told the Secretary, as I recall it, that you would like to have a try at making this policy effective in Iran, as Iran appeared to present the most difficult situation in the Middle East at that time. You wished to make Iran the testing ground for an American policy based on the principles stated in the Atlantic Charter. You very pointedly stated that the essence of your plan was in the fact that it offered assistance to the so-called less-favored nations in their economic difficulties without creating a burden on the American taxpayer.

On March 2, 1944, I received a very favorable and understanding letter from the Acting Secretary of State, Edward R. Stettinius, copy attached, in which he enumerates the recommendations made by me, in reference to Iran, which had been made effective.

That was the original.

I am justified now in assuming

remember, my friends, this letter was written in 1944

I am justified in assuming that the program for Iran had your approval and the approval of the Secretary of State.

The Shah of Iran and all the officials with whom I conversed after the Tehran Conference gave you full credit for having procured the Iran declaration. In Iran, as in all the Middle East nations, the people were especially pleased and encouraged by the reaffirmation of the principles of the Atlantic Charter by Britain, Russia, and the United States. They had felt that the principles of the Atlantic Charter had already been repudiated by Mr. Churchill, and they often quoted excerpts from statements made by him on that subject. Because