VI. 1715. * CHAP. six persons, one of whom was the Marquis of Tynemouth, son of the Duke of Berwick; and the vessel that brought him was immediately sent back to France with the news of his safe arrival. He passed through Aberdeen without disclosing the secret of his rank, and proceeded to Fetteresso, the principal seat of his young partisan the Earl Marischal, where he was detained for several days by his doubts as to the movements of Argyle. Meanwhile, Lord Mar, at Perth, had no sooner been apprised of his arrival, than he took horse with the Earl Marischal, General Hamilton, and about thirty other gentlemen, and hastened forward to meet their long expected Prince. Fully convinced as I am of the justice and wisdom of the Hanover succession, and of the national miseries that must have resulted from its overthrow, I yet cannot divest myself of a feeling of reverencealmost of partiality — when I behold the unhappy grandson of Charles the First striving for the throne of his fathers, and trace his footsteps on the soil of his ancient dominion. The reception of Mar at Fetteresso was, as might be expected, highly cordial; the Chevalier warmly acknowledged his past services, and created him a Duke. On the 30th, James set off from Fetteresso, and on the 4th of January he slept at Glammis Castle, the residence of the Earls *The Pretender to Lord Bolingbroke, Jan. 2. 1716. Stuart Papers. See Appendix. The cause publicly assigned was an ague. VI. 1716. of Strathmore, which he declared to be the CHAP. finest gentleman's seat that he had ever seen in any country. Two days afterwards he made his public entry into Dundee on horseback; the Earl of Mar riding on his right hand, and the Earl Marischal on his left, while nearly 300 gentlemen brought up the rear. He was hailed with loud and general acclamations, and, at the request of his friends, remained for an hour at the market-place to gratify the eager affection of the people, who thronged to kiss his hands. Continuing his progress, he, on the 8th, arrived within two miles of the army, at the Royal palace of Scone, where he established his residence, named a regular council, and performed several other acts of state. He issued six proclamations for a general thanksgiving, in gratitude of the special and "miraculous providence" shown in his safe arrival *; for prayers in churches; for the currency of all foreign coins; for the meeting of the Convention of Estates; for ordering all fencible men, from sixteen to sixty, to repair to his standard; and for his coronation on the 23d of January. "At the first news of his landing," says one of the insurgent gentlemen at Perth, "it is impossible "to express the joy and vigour of our men. Now "we hoped the day was come, when we should "live more like soldiers, and should be led on to * Collection of Original Papers, p. 160. VI. 1716. CHAP. "face our enemies, and not be mouldering away "into nothing, attending the idle determination "of a disconcerted council."* His appearance amongst his troops was, however, attended with mutual disappointment. He had been promised by Lord Mar a large and victorious army. They had been told that he would bring with him a numerous body of officers, and, perhaps, of men, and a large supply of money, arms, and ammunition. He now came almost alone in the midst of a dwindled and discordant multitude. On making his entry into Perth, the day after he reached Scone Palace, he expressed his wish to see "those "little Kings with their armies," as he called the chiefs and the clans; and one of the most martial tribes of Highlanders was accordingly marshalled before him. He was much pleased at the appearance and the arms of the mountaineers; but, on inquiring how many such were in arms for him, and learning their scanty numbers, he could not conceal his feelings of concern and surprise t; and in fact, so much reduced was the insurgent army, True Account of the Proceedings at Perth, by a Rebel. London, 1716, p. 15., a curious and authentic narrative. Mr. Chambers, who quotes this work, is mistaken (note, p. 332.) in ascribing it to the Master of Sinclair. If he had had an opportunity of reading Sinclair's MS. Memoirs he would have found that Sinclair had already gone northwards to Lord Huntly's; that he was not at Perth during any part of these later transactions, and never saw the Chevalier in Scotland. Mar in his previous letters had swelled his army to 16,000 men Mém. de Berwick, vol. ii. p. 170. that they could not venture to disclose their weak- CHAP. ness by the customary pageant of a general review. VI. Nor was there any reasonable hope of speedy 1716. reinforcements. Huntly and Seaforth, to whom James had immediately applied, were privately treating with the government for a submission; and the unusual depth of the snow was a reason with some, and a pretext with many others, for remaining at home. Meanwhile, Argyle still continued in front, at the head of an army, now immensely superior both in numbers and in discipline, and he had already pushed his outposts along the coast of Fife, dislodged the insurgent garrisons, and cut off the supply of coal from the camp at Perth. Difficulties such as these might have baffled even the military skill of Marlborough, or the heroic spirit of Montrose. Still less could they be overcome by a young and inexperienced Prince. Had James been bred a Protestant, had he come to the throne by undisputed succession, and had he ruled in tranquil times, he would certainly have been a popular monarch, from his graceful manners, his mild temper, and his constant application to business. The letters of his which I have read in the Stuart and other Collections, appear to me written with remarkable ability and power of language. But he had neither that daring energy, nor that sound judgment, which might fit him for the part of leader in trying emergencies. It was once observed by Stanhope to Dubois, that if VI. 1716. CHAP. ever France should fit out an expedition against England, he only hoped, to insure its failure, that the Pretender might be placed at its head.* Nature had made this Prince a quiet unenterprising man, education a bigoted Catholic, and, like most of the Princes of his race, he combined an obstinate and unreasonable pertinacity in what he had once determined, with a blind submission to favourites, sometimes unwisely chosen and always too readily obeyed.† Even at this period, the crisis of his own fate, he was so little warned by his father's as to refuse, or rather evade, giving the same promise of security to the Church of Ireland as to the Church of England, and stubbornly to withstand all the representations of Bolingbroke upon that subject!‡ The appearance and demeanor of the Chevalier, when in Scotland, seem to be truly described by one of the gentlemen who had taken up arms for his cause:-"His person was tall and thin, seeming to "incline to be lean rather than to fill as he grows in years. His countenance was pale, yet he seems "to be sanguine in his constitution, and has something of a vivacity in his eye that perhaps would "have been more visible, if he had not been *Sevelinges, Mémoires Sécrets, vol. i. p. 201. See the deliberate and reluctant opinion of one of his warmest partisans, Mr. Lockhart of Carnwath, writing in the year 1728; Lockhart Papers, vol. ii. p. 405. Bolingbroke to James, Nov. 2. 1715. Appendix. See also his remarks in the letter to Wyndham. |