not actually embezzle the money, or detain the | jewel, yet do I break my trust by putting it into his power so to do. "It is self evident that, by keeping up such a number of forces, who may, when they are disposed, controul the power of the civil magistrate, the strength and security of our constitution is at an end, and that we have no other rule of government left, than will and pleasure. The notion I have of slavery is, the being subjected to the will of another; and / notwithstanding the rod be not always on my back, or the dragoon in my house; yet, if it is not in my power to prevent its being so, I am no longer free. After Augustus had established his 8,000 regular troops, the Roman constitution was as much at an end, as it was in Nero's time. Although the tyranny was not, by Augustus, exercised with the like severity it was by his successors; yet, from the time his power became irresistible, the Romans were slaves. “Another argument used for this number of troops is, that there are no thoughts of establishing them; but only continuing them for a year. If the notion be true, which no gentleman in the debate has denied, that the number of disciplinerd men now contended for, are sufficient to dictate to the greatest number of undisciplined; I desire to know who shall dare to bid them go home? It is said, indeed, the parliament will not provide for them: Why may not they then, as others in their circumstances have done, provide for themselves? Is it reasonable to think, that men will starve with swords in their hands? garrison in Gibraltar, for the year 1719. 6. That the sum of 13551l. 9s. 5d. be granted to his majesty, for provisions for the garrison of Gibraltar, for the year 1718. 7. That the sum of 1,558. 17s. 1d. be granted to his majesty, for provisions for the garrisons at Placentia and Annapolis, for the year 1718. 8. That the sum of 2,858/. 13s. 10d. be granted for ordnance, stores, and provisions, for the independent company in the islands of Babama and Providence, for the year 1718. 9. That a sum not exceeding 130,3617. 5s. 5d. be granted to his majesty, for the charge of half-pay to the reduced officers of his majesty's land forces and marines, for the year 1718. 10. That a sun not exceeding 73,327l. 12s. 11d. be granted to his majesty, for the charge of the office of ordnance for the land service, for the year 1718, 11. That a sum not exceeding 29,6451. 8s. 9d. be granted to his majesty, to enable the trea surer of the navy to make good the payments, which at or before the 24th of June, 1718, may be demanded of him, pursuant to an act of | parliament for completingthe finds of 608,0008. per annum, payable to the South Sea company. 12. That a sum not exceeding 581,196/. 8s. be granted to his majesty, to make good the de|ficiency of the grants for the year 1717." The first of these Resolutions being read a second time, a motion was made that the sanie be recommitted; upon which there arose a warm debate, and most of the members who spoke in the debate of the 5th, made speeches either for or against the said motion. Among others, Sir Thomas Hanmer spoke as follows: "Mr. Speaker; I cannot forbear troubling you with a few words upon this subject, though I can neither flatter myself with the hopes of convincing any one, nor pretend to be able to offer any thing to your consideration, which has not in a better manner been urged already. "I am sensible, that I have too much trespassed on gentlemen's patience. I shall say no more; but that bodies political as well as natural, have their periods: governments must die as well as men; ours is grown old and crazy; and though she hath survived her neigh-But I am truly concerned for the mischiefs bour, yet I fear her day approaches." Dec. 6. In a Committee of the whole House, on the Supply, the Commons came to several Resolutions; which, together with those of the day before, were reported on the 7th as follows: 1. That the number of effective men to be provided for, for guards and garrisons in Great Britain, and for Jersey and Guernsey, for the year 1718, be 16,347, commissioned and non-commissioned officers included. 2. That a sum not exceeding 681,618/. be granted to his majesty, for defraying the charge of the said 16,347 effective men for guards and garrisons, and other his majesty's land forces in Great Britain, Jersey and Guernsey, for the year, 1718. 3. That the sum of 35,7661. 5s. be granted to his majesty, for maintaining his majesty's forces and garrisons in the plantations in America, for the year 1718. 4. That the sum of 57,6131. 14s. 7d. be granted to his majesty, for maintaining the forces and garrisons in Minorca, for the year 1718. 5. That the sum of 39,382l. 14s. 9d. be granted to his majesty for maintaining the forces and | which, I think, we are giving way to; and if I cannot prevent them, it will be a satisfaction to me at least to protest against them." "All gentlemen who have spoke in this debate, have, for their different opinions, agreed in one thing, to press very much the argument of danger; and the only question is, on which side the danger lies; whether to the government, without a military force to support it; or to the constitution and liberties of Great Britain, from that military force, if it be allowed to continue in it. "As to the dangers which threaten the government, I think I am not willing to overlook them. But I hope we may be excused, if we cannot be convinced of dangers, which no man, that I hear, pretends to explain to us. Abroad the state and circumstances of Europe happen to be such, that I think it is hard to suppose a time possible, when there shall be less appearance or apprehension of any imrnediate disturbance to this kingdom. The three great powers, those which are most considerable in themselves and of nearest concern to us, I mean the Empire, France and Holland, are so far from being at any enmity with us, that they are all of them our fast friends and allies, at least we are told so, and hear very often a great deal of boasting upon that subject, whenever the administration of the government is to be extolled, and the merits of it are to be set forth to us. Upon these occasions we hear of nothing but the wise and useful treaties which have been made, the great influence which we have acquired in foreign courts and councils, and the solid foundations which are laid for our security. But when, in consequence of these great things, we come to talk of reducing forces, then I observe the language is quite turned the other way, then we are in the weakest and most insecure condition imaginable, there is no dependence upon any thing, and we must even be thought disaffected to the government, if we will not believe that we are surrounded on all sides with the greatest dangers. "But in the midst of these contrarieties and contradictions, I think we need not be at any loss what our conduct ought to be; if we will but have regard to those plain rules and maxims which have always been observed in the like cases with that which is now before us. It would certainly be an endless thing, for an House of Commons to enter into the secrets of state, and to debate upon the different views, and interests, and intrigues of foreign courts; what jealousies are among them, and what treaties are on foot to reconcile them. If we take such things into our considerations, to guide us in questions concerning our own guards and garrisons here at home, we shall be in a labyrinth indeed; and must be compelled at last to put an absolute trust in the government, because they only know the truth of such matters, and from them we must be content to, receive whatsoever account they think fit to give us of them. But the only thing proper for us to look to is, what is plain and obvious to the sense of all mankind, I mean, When are the times of present peace? There need no refinements of politics to know that, and I will venture to say, that during such times of peace, no reinote fears, no arguments drawn from contigencies of what may be hereafter, have ever yet brought this nation into a concession so fatal to liberty, as the keeping up of standing forces, when there is no other employment for them, but to insult and oppress their fellow-subjects. I say there has hitherto been no precedent of that kind, and the misfortune of this case is, there will need but one precedent in it; one wrong step taken, in this particular, may put an end to all your claims of rights and privileges. "And on the other hand I beg it may not be taken for granted, that if we dismiss our soldiers, we shall therefore eave ourselves naked, and void of all protection against any sudden danger that arise. No, Sir, Providence has given us the best protection, if we do not foolishly throw away the benefit of it. Our situation is our natural protection; our fleet is our protec may tion; and if we could ever be so happy as to see it rightly pursued, a good agreement be twixt the king and people, uniting and acting together in one national interest, would be such a protection as none of our enemies would ever hope to break through.. "It is a melancholy thing to me to hear any other notions of government advanced here, and that his majesty either from his private or his general council, should ever upon this subject have any thing inculcated to him, but this great truth, That the true and only support of an English prince does and ought to 'consist in the affections of his people.' It is that should strengthen his hands; it is that should give him credit and authority in the eyes of other nations; and to think of doing it, by keeping up a number of land forces here at home, such a number as can have any awe or influence over the great powers on the continent, is, I think, one of the wildest ima ginations that ever entered into, the heart of man. The only strength of this nation must always consist in the riches of it; riches must be the fruits of public liberty; and the people can neither acquire riches, nor the king have the use of them, but by a government founded in their inclinations and affections. "If this be true, then of consequence it follows, that whoever advises his majesty to aim at any additional security to himself, from a Standing Army, instead of increasing bis strength, does really diminish it, and under nine his true support, by robbing him of the hearts of his subjects. For this I take for granted, that as there are but two ways of governing: the one by force, and the other by the affections of the people governed, it is impossible for any prince to have them both. He must chuse which of the two he will stick to, for he can have but one. If he is master of their affections, he stands in no need of force; and if he will make use of force, it is in vain for him to expect their affections. For it is not in nature, and it can never be brought to pass, that men can love a government, under which they are loaded with heavy taxes; and pay a considerable part of their estates to maintain an army, which insults them in the possession of the rest, and can turn them out of the whole whenever they please. "With submission therefore, the argument is taken by the wrong end, when it is said, There are great animosities in the kingdom, the people are disaffected, and upon that account there is a necessity of keeping up an army. It concludes much righter the other way; that is, dismiss your army, and give no other cause of suspicion that any part of the constitution is to be invaded, and the people will be well-affected. Upon any other foot than this, what minister will ever care, whether he does right or wrong? it is not his concern whether the people are easy or uneasy; bis army is his dependance: nay, and the more by his wicked councils be exasperates and enrages the people, the stronger he makes his pretence maintaining and increasing that army which supports hiin. What I have said, I confess, goes upon a supposition, that the numbers contained in the Estimate, and in the question before you, do make an army formidable enough, and able to enslave this nation: of which indeed there remains no doubt with me. In the manner these forces are constituted, I think, a prince who would wish to be arbitrary, could desire no more: and if he had all the power in his hands, I think, for his own sake he would keep no more. "Of what nature the reductions have been, other gentlemen have so fully explained, and I believe it so generally understood, that it will he needless for me to dwell upon it. But the short of the case is this, That out of 32,000 men, 13 regiments only have been disbanded, which do not amount to more than 5 or 6,000, besides a few invalids, which were taken from the establishment of the army and put upon the establishment of the hospital. So that there are the corps now subsisting of more than 25,000 men, which corps may be filled up to their entire complement whensoever the goverument pleases, and that even without any notse or notice taken. For the case is very different in that respect, where the regiments are few, and those kept complete: There if the numbers allowed by act of parliament are exceeded, it must be by raising new regiments, which is easily seen and known, But where the corps are kept up with only a few men in them, and some recruits will always be necessary for them, there if the government is willing to be at the charge, they may keep the Dumbers up to what they please, and it is impossible to know when the parliamentary standard is exceeded and when not. Thus therefore stands our account: In the first place, the public is to pay 18,000 men; in the next place, the number of effective men is to be 16,347 and if those are not sufficient to exercise dominion over us, yet, in the manner they are kept together, they are equivalent to 25,000; the charge is inconsiderably less, and the terror, which is the main thing, is not at all abated. : "For the taking this dangerous step, the only justification I hear gentlemen offer for themselves, the only shelter they fly to, is the great confidence which is to be reposed in his majesty's just and gracious intentions; of those I will entertain no doubt: I believe his majesty is too good to be suspected of any arbitrary designs. But yet there is a general suspicion, which I will never be ashamed or afraid to own; because it is a suspicion interwoven in our constitution; it is a suspicion upon which our laws, our parliament, and every part of our government is founded; which is, That too much power lodged in the crown, abstracting from the person that wears it, will at some time or other be abused in the exercise of it, and can never long consist with the naural rights and liberties of mankind, And, therefore, whatever opinions we have of his majesty's goodness, and how much soever he deserves them, we should still consider, that in this place we are under a distinct duty to our country, and by that duty we should be as incapable of giving up such an unwarrantable trust, as his majesty, I am persuaded, would be incapable of abusing it, if he had it in bis hands. Those we represent will expect, and they ought to expect from us, that they should not only continue to enjoy what belongs to them, as Englishmen; but that they should hold it still by the same tenure. Their estates, their lives, and their liberties, they have hitherto possessed as their rights; and it would be a very great and sad change, and such as shall never have my consent along with it, to make them only tenants at will for them." The question being then put on the motion for recommitting the first Resolution, it was carried in the negative, by a majority of 175 voices against 125; and then the first Resolution was agreed to by the House. read a second time, a motion was made, that The second Resolution being afterwards the same be recommitted, which occasioned a fresh debate. markable speech, urged, That by the method Mr. Robert Walpole, who made the most rethat had been followed in the reduction of the Army, the nation was put to an extraordinary and needless charge. Which he endeavoured the regiments that were kept stauding; shewto prove, by entering into the particulars of ing the disproportion between the foot, and the horse and dragoons, which last were most grievous and oppressive to the country; and ther manner, the full number of land forces alsuggested, That by reducing the army in anoready voted might be kept up, and yet near 100,000l. saved to the nation, besides the pay of general Officers, which he doubted not, all him, to be an unnecessary expence. gentlemen would readily acknowledge, with This overture was listened to with great attention, and particularly by sir Joseph Jekyll, who being desirous to know what Mr. Walpole had to propose, to save so considerable a sum to the the second Resolution above-mentioned, which nation, declared his opinion for recommitting solved, That the last of the three above-recited was carried without dividing. It was also re Resolutions be recommitted. Dec. 9. The House resolved itself into a grand committee, to take into consideration the second Resolution, viz. for granting to his majesty the sum of 681,6187. which had been recommitted. Mr. Craggs, who spoke first, said, That hav ing already agreed to the number of troops, it was but natural and reasonable to grant the sum necessary to maintain those troops: that the Commons had never entered into the particulars of the regiments, whether horse, dragoons, or foot; but contenting themselves with fixing the whole number, had wholly left the regulating of that matter to the crown; pole, who did not expect such a motion, said, and therefore he hoped they would not shew This was a matter of so great importance, that less regard to his majesty, or repose less con- it ought to be well weighed and maturely confidence in his wisdom, of which they had seen sidered, before the House came to any Reso so many instances, particularly both in aug-lution thereupon." It was accordingly rementing and reducing of the army. Mr. Craggs solved, was seconded by Mr. Aislabie, Mr. Lechmere, Mr. Treby, Mr. Yonge, sir Richard Steele, gen. Carpenter, gen. Wade, gen. Stanwix, and others: But on the other hand, Mr. R. Walpole represented, That the best way for the Commons of Great Britain to acknowledge his majesty's most gracious intentions, for the good of his subjects, was to point out to him the means of rendering those good intentions effectual; that this might be done by disbanding or dismounting eight or nine regiments of dragoons, whereby the country would be eased of a great burden and oppression; and that by this, and some other reductions, of which he made mention, a considerable sum of money might be saved to the nation; as well as by taking off the pay of the general officers, and other useless contingencies. 1. "That this House will, to-morrow morn ing, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the state of the nation, in relation to the Gold and Silver Coins of this kingdom.—2. That an humble Address | be presented to his majesty, That he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that the Representations made by the officers of the Mint to the Lords Commissioners of the Trea sury, in relation to the Gold and Silver Cons of this kingdom, may be laid before this House." Ordered, That the Officers of the Mint do attend this House to-morrow morning. Dec. 21. Mr. Aislabie renewed the motion he inade the day before, relating to the Com, and was seconded by Mr. Caswall,* who made a speech, on the various and respective values, which at different times, Gold and Silver Coins have born, with respect one to the other, ac Mr. Walpole was backed by sir Joseph Jekyll, sir Thomas Hanmer, sir William Wyndham, Mr. John Smith, and sir Thomas Cross; and, on the other hand, the courtiers endeavouredcording to the plenty or scarcity of either, and to shew, either that the Reductions proposed were impracticable, or would not answer the end intended thereby. But some general officers having said, That for their own parts, if their having no pay could any way contribute to make the nation easy, they readily acquiesced. They were taken at their words: and the question being put, That a sum not exceeding 650,000l. be granted to his majesty, for defraying the charge of 16347 effective men for guards and garrisons, and other his majesty's land forces, in Great Britain, Jersey and Guern sey, for the year 1718, the same was carried in the affirmative, by 172 against 158. And this Resolution was the next day reported and agreed to, by the House, without opposition. Dec. 11. In a grand committee on ways and means to raise the supply, after some debate upon the question, whether two or three shillings in the pound be laid upon land, it was by 164 votes against 97, carried for the latter. There were great struggles to save the odd shilling, but it would not do; for the next day Mr. Farrer reported the resolution of the conmittee, which was agreed to by the House; and a bill was ordered to be brought in ingly. suggested, That the over-valuation of gold in the current coins of Great Britain, had occasioned the exportation of great quantities of silver spe cies; and to that purpose, laid open a clandes tine trade, which of late years had been carried on by the Dutch, Hamburghers, and other foreigners, in concert with the Jews and other traders here, which consisted in exporting Silver Coins, and importing Gold in lien thereof, which being coined into guineas at the Tower, near 15 pence was got by every guinea, which amounted to about 5 per cent. and as these returns might be made five or six times in a year, considerable sums were got by it, to the prejudice of Great Britain, which thereby was drained of silver and over-stocked with gold: concluding, that in his opinion, the most effectual way to put a stop to this perni cious trade, was to lower the price of guiness, and all other gold species. This speech was received with general applause, and it was resolved in the Grand CoinThat an Address be presented to his majesty, mittee, and unanimously agreed to by the House, to issue his royal Proclamation, to forbid all accord-persons to utter, or receive any of the pieces of Gold, called Guineas, at any greater or higher rate than one and twenty shillings for each Guinea, and so proportionably for any greater or lesser pieces of coined Gold." This Address being presented to his majesty, a Proclamation was issued accordingly:+ Debate in the Commons on the Scarcity of the Silver, and on lowering the Value of the Gold Coins. Dec. 29. Mr. Aislabie took notice of the great scarcity of the Silver Species, which in all probability, was occasioned by the exportation of the same, and the importation of gold; and proposed, That a speedy remedy might be put to that growing evil, by lowering the value of the gold species. He was seconded by Mr. Caswall, member for Leominster, one of the Sword-Blade Company: but Mr. R. Wal * Mr. Caswall was knighted during the Session. + The following is a copy of the said Proclamation: "G. R. Whereas the value of the Gold, compared with the value of the Silver in the his Majesty's Treasury. Reports made by sir Isaac Newton, Master of To the right hon. the Lords Commissioners of the Mint, concerning the State of the Gold and Silver Coins.] This day, Mr. Lowndes. presented to the House, the following Reports, made by sir Isaac Newton, master of the Mint, concerning the Gold and Silver Coins: current coins of this realm, as paid and received, is greater in proportion than the value of gold is to the value of silver in neighbouring nations; and the over valuation of Gold in the current coins of this realm, hath been a great cause of carrying out and lessening the species of the Silver coins thereof, which is highly prejudicial to the trade of this kingdom: And whereas the Commons in parliament have, by their Address, humbly besought us, That we would be graciously pleased to issue our royal Proclamation, to forbid all persons to utter or receive any of the pieces of Gold, called Guineas, at any greater or higher rate than one and twenty shillings for each guinea, and so proportionably for any greater or lesser pieces of coined gold, which we have graciously condescended unto. Now, for, and towards remedying the said evil, we have thought fit, with the advice of our privy council, to issue this our royal Proclamation, hereby strictly prohibiting all and every person and persons whatsoever, to utter or receive any of the pieces of Gold Coin of this kingdom, commonly called Guineas, (which in our mint were coined only at twenty shillings each, but have been by our subjects paid and received at the rate of one and twenty shillings and six pence each) at any greater or higher rate or value than one and twenty shillings for each guinea, and so proportionably for the pieces of gold called halfguineas, double-guineas, and five pound pieces; and the other pieces of ancient Gold Coin of this kingdom, which by their wearing may be diminished in their weight, at any greater or higher rate or value than as followeth, That is to say, the piece of gold now received and paid for three and twenty shillings and six pence, to be hereafter received and paid for three and respec twenty shillings, and no more. The piece of gold now received and paid for five and twenty shillings and six pence, to be hereafter received and paid for five and twenty shillings, and no more; and so proportionably for smaller pieces of the like gold coin: at which Rates and Values we do hereby declare the said tive pieces of coined gold to be current. And we do hereby strictly charge and command all our loving subjects whatsoever, that they do not presume to receive or pay the gold coins of this realm, at any greater rates or values than the rates and values aforesaid, upon pain of our highest displeasure and upon pain of the great est punishment that by law may be inflicted upon them for their default, negligence and contempt in this behalf. Given at our Court at St. James's, the $2nd of December, 1717. In the 4th year of our reign." "May it please your lordships; "In obedience to your lordships' order of reference, of August 12th, that I should lay before your lordships a State of the Gold and Silver Coins of this kingdom, in weight and fineness, and the value of gold in proportion to silver, with my observations and opinion; and what method may be best for preventing the melting down of the Silver Coin; I humbly represent, That a pound weight troy of gold, 11 ounces fine, and one ounce allay, is cut into 444 guineas; and a pound weight of silver, 11 ounces two penny weight fine, and 18 penny weight allay, is cut into 62 shillings; and, according to this rate, a pound weight of fine gold is worth 15 pounds weight six ounces 17 penny weight and five grains of fine silver, reckoning a guinea at 14. 1s. 6d. in Silver-money; but silver in bullion, exportable, is usually worth 2d. or 3d. per ounce more than in coin; and if, at a medium, such bullion of standardallay, be valued at 5s. 44d. per ounce, a pound weight of fine gold will be worth but 14 lb. wt. 11 oz. 12 dwt. 9 gr. of fine silver in bullion; and, at this rate, a guinea is worth but so much silver as would make 20s. 8d. When ships are lading for the East-Indies, the demand of silver, for exportation, raises the price to 5s, 6d. or 5s. 8d. per ounce, or above; but I consider not those extraordinary cases. "A Spanish pistole was coined for 32 rials, or four pieces of eight rials, usually called pieces of eight, and is of equal allay, and the sixteenthpart of the weight thereof; and a Doppio Moeda of Portugal was coined for ten crusados of Silver, and is of equal allay, and the sixteenth-part of the weight thereof; Gold is therefore in Spain and Portugal of sixteen times more Value than Silver of equal weight and allay, according to the standard of those kingdoms; at which rate, a guinea is worth 22s. 1d.: but this high price keeps their Gold at home, in good plenty, and carries away the Spanish Silver into all Europe; so that at home they make their payments in Gold, and will not pay in Silver without a premium: upon the coming in of a Plate fleet the premium ceases, or is but small; but as their Silver goes away, and becomes scarce, the premium increases, and is most commonly about six per cent,; which being abated, a guinea becomes worth about 20s. 9d. in Spain and Portugal. “In France, a pound weight of fine Gold is reckoned worth 15 pounds weight of fine silver: in raising or falling their money, their king's edicis have sometimes varied a little from this proportion in excess, or defect; but the variations have been so little, that I do not here consider them: by the edict of May 1709, a new pistole was coined for four new lewisses, and is of equal allay, and the fifteenth-part of the weight thereof, except the errors of their mints: and, by the same edict, fine Gold is valued at 15 times its weight of fine Silver; and, at this |