should not be composed of Afghan troops as well as Anglo-Indian, and in the course of time it might be possible for us to withdraw our contingent behind the Helmund.

To solve the Central Asian Question we must do something more than rectify the Indian frontier, something more than oust Russia from Cabul, something more than obtain the right to place British agents in the country. We must occupy Herat, arm the Turcomans, and restore Persia to something of its pristine vigour. When we have done these things we may leave the further development of the rivalry of England and Russia to fate with perfect confidence in the result. Once and for ever we can dispel all dread from Russia invading India, and by simply profiting by our experience of Russia's falseness we may make the result of an Afghan war caused by her duplicity the grand turning-point in the whole question. By certain simple precautions the Central Asian Question can now be solved wholly in favour of this country. Those precautions have been specified, and it would be unpardonable folly to disregard the lesson that is contained in the writing upon the wall. Rome fell by neglecting her experiences, and England will not be able to avoid a similar fate if she shows equal obtuseness.

No nation, however great, can command the future, and in our position in India there is at least grave cause why we should hesitate to look forward to the permanent continuance of our rule. It may certainly be predicted that unless we pursue a widely different internal policy, it cannot endure for more than a cen

tury. The precautions which are absolutely necessary for us to take have already been specified and need not here be further dilated upon. But it is equally incumbent upon us to take those precautions in our external policy which the good fortune of the moment places at our disposal. Whatever scruple we may have in sweeping apparently well-disposed feudatories from our path, we can have no similar reluctance to adopting towards Russia a policy which shall curtail that Power's capacity for doing us injury. At the present moment we can effect this object without incurring any risk worthy of the name and with little trouble. But if we let the moment pass by unutilised and neglected, we shall have lost the most favourable opportunity we are ever likely to enjoy for conclusively proving that of the two rivals England is to be the supreme and successful one. A neglected opportunity seldom recurs, but this country has been particularly fortunate during the development of this question. Several times has the auspicious occasion been afforded us, but each time we have failed to avail ourselves of it. Once more the turn of events provides that opportunity which, so often neglected, was never placed at our disposal in a more opportune moment than the present. It may be the last time that Providence will place it in our power to annihilate Russia's ambitious dreams, and if we neglect it the lost opportunity will never come again. The best defence for India is to keep Russia at a distance, and no scheme of border-improvement can do more than place us in a position to defend ourselves against attack. Our 7

policy should aim higher than this. We can prevent Russia ever being in a position to attack India if we act on the present occasion as our reputation demands. Are we to prove unequal to it? The answer lies mainly with the reader, but common sense replies, No.

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APPENDIX A.

RUSSIA AND PERSIA.-THE TREATY OF GULISTAN.

THEIR Majesties the Emperor of Russia and the King of Persia, actuated by their affections towards their respective subjects, are anxious to commute the present hostilities, so repugnant to their disposition, to an amicable understanding. With this view, Lieutenant-General Ritischeuf, Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief in Georgia, the line of Caucasus, Laghoor, and Astrachan, and Commander-in-Chief of the Caspian Fleet, Knight of the Order of Alexander Neuski, of the First Order of St. Anne, and Fourth of the Military Order of St. George, and of the Sword of Bravery, is fully empowered to treat on the part His Exof His Majesty the Emperor of Russia. cellency Mirza Abul Hussein Khan, late Ambassador to the Courts of Constantinople and London, of noble descent, etc. etc. etc., is appointed Plenipotentiary on the part of His Majesty the King of Persia. The Plenipotentiaries having met at the Russian camp on the banks of Zuivan, near Gulistan, in the district of