[New China News Agency (NCNA), Peking, October 6, 1958] FIGHT, FIGHT, TALK, TALK (Message of October 6, 1958 to Taiwan by Peng Teh- All compatriots, military and civilian, in Taiwan, Penghu, Quemoy and Matsu! We all are Chinese. Of all choices, peace is the best. The fighting round Quemoy is of a punitive character. For quite a long time, your leaders have been far too rampant. They have ordered aircraft to carry out wanton raids on the mainland, dropping leaflets and secret agents, bombing Foochow and harassing Kiangsu and Chekiang, reaching as far as Yunnan, Kweichow, Szechwan, the Kangting area and Tsinghai. Can this be tolerated? Hence the firing of a few shells, just to call your attention. Taiwan, Penghu, Quemoy and Matsu are Chinese territory. To this you agree, as proved by documents issued by your leaders, which confirm that they are indeed not territory of the Americans. Taiwan, Penghu, Quemoy and Matsu are part of China, they do not constitute another country. There is only one China, not two, in the world. To this, you also agree, as proved by documents issued by your leaders. The military agreement signed between your leaders and the Americans is unilateral; we do not recognize it. It should be abrogated. The day will certainly come when the Americans will abandon you. Do you not believe it? The giant of history will come out to bear witness. The clue is already there in the statement made by Dulles on September 30. Placed in such circumstances, do you not feel wary? In the last analysis, the American imperialists are our common enemy. It is hard for the 130,000 troops and civilians in Quemoy to stand for long the lack of supplies and the pestering hunger and cold. Out of humanitarian considerations, I have ordered the bombardment to be suspended temporarily on the Fukien Front for a period of seven days starting from October 6. Within this period, you will be fully free to ship in supplies on condition that there be no American escort. This guarantee will not stand if there should be American escort. The war between you and us has been going on for 30 years. It is not good that it is not yet stopped. We propose that talks be held to effect a peaceful settlement. You were notified of this by Premier Chou En-lai several years ago. This is an internal Chinese matter between you and us, not a matter between China and the United States. The issue between China and the United States is US invasion and occupation of Taiwan, Penghu and the Taiwan Straits, and this should be settled through negotiations between the two countries, which are now being held in 73 Warsaw. The Americans are bound to go. They have to go. For the United States, the quicker they go the better, because in this way it can have the initiative. Otherwise, it will be to its disadvantage, because it will then be always on the defensive. Why should a country in the East Pacific have come to the West Pacific? The West Pacific belongs to the people in this region, just as the East Pacific belongs to the people over there. This is common sense which the Americans should have. There is no war between the People's Republic of China and the United States, and so the question of a ceasefire does not arise. Is it not a farce to talk about a ceasefire when there is no fire? Friends in Taiwan, there are flames of war between us. They should be stopped and extinguished. To achieve this, talks are needed. Of course, it would not matter so much even if the fighting should continue for another 30 years. It is, however, better to secure an early peaceful settlement. The choice is up to you. [From "Bulletin of Activities, April 25, 1961" in The Politics of the Chinese Red Army: A Translation of the Bulletin of Activities of the People's Liberation Army. J. Chester Cheng (ed.). The Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford University. Copyright © 1966 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. Reprinted by permission.] SECRET INSTRUCTIONS TO THE CHINESE ARMY* APRIL 25, 1961 (Issued by the General Political Department of the There are many problems in the world today. There are: Laos, Cuba, the Congo, Taiwan, North and South Korea, North and South Vietnam, East and West Germany, and the like. We have also the question of disarmament, the ban on nuclear tests, the relationship between East and West (including those between the Soviet Union and the United States, China and the United States, China and Japan, and China and India), the reorganization of the United Nations, etc. How are these problems developing? How can they be solved? In order to arrive at a correct answer, we must study the questions from the viewpoint of class analysis and adopt the attitude of historical materialism. Someone has said: "To solve the big issues of the world we must see what the Soviet Union and the United States are doing." Some have also said these issues must depend on the three great states of China, the Soviet Union, and the United States. After World War II, nominally there were five powers, Britain, the United States, France, and the Soviet Union together with Chiang Kai-shek, but there were actually only four powers. Could they solve these world problems? Sixteen years have passed since the war, and as yet none of the important problems has been settled. In any problem, small or big, of international importance we neither are bound by nor have any obligation toward any agreements concluded without the participation and signature of representatives from China. Without the participation of China none of the important problems of the world can be solved. From other considerations, however, we have also seen, even with the participation of China, the world problems cannot depend on only a few powers for a thorough solution. We should have no illusions about imperialism. With regard to the disarmament problem, if some agreement should be made in the morning, it may be broken in the evening. We Chinese people have to fall back on our own experience. During the period of the Peiyang War *NOTE BY SUBCOMMITTEE STAFF.-A number of issues of Peking's secret periodical "Bulletin of Activities," intended "for Chinese eyes only," fell into U.S. hands and have been printed in translation by the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace in Palo Alto. 75 lord anybody participating in that government simply entered a pigpen. Under Chiang Kai-shek's dictatorship, whoever participated in his government at most was given a position as Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, or Minister of Economic Affairs or Minister of Health. What use was that? If our country joins the United Nations, we cannot have a majority in voting; formally the difficult situation may be moderated to some extent, but actually the struggle that arises will be more violent and we shall lose our present freedom of action. Though standing outside of the United Nations, we could still participate in the Bandung Conference. We made tremendous achievements in that conference. Last year we signed treaties of friendship with five countries (Cambodia, Nepal, Afghanistan, Yemen and Guinea), and settled problems about the boundary lines between China and Burma and between China and Nepal just because the United States had no chance to join in the negotiation or to exert pressure. At the present moment we have established diplomatic relationships with 39 countries, without any possibility of being hindered by the United States. Outside of the United Nations, we have enjoyed a peaceful coexistence with the countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and the peaceful area is being enlarged. The present situation is to stand firm against the United States and maintain peaceful coexistence with many other countries... As for the attitude towards new China, some people adopted the nonrecognition policy; some adopted the semirecognition policy; and some gave complete recognition. Some wanted to imitate China and came to learn some lessons from us. Some accorded recognition out of fear; some gave recognition because of their dependence on China; some wished to limit the development of China by dragging it into the United Nations in order to harness it. In general, the situation is very complicated. At present, there is a note in international affairs sounding a call to mediate between China and the United States and to act as a bridge between China and the United States. Both Japan and England wanted to do some work by bridging the relations between China and the United States. We have no objection to this, provided they build the bridge. After the bridge is built, who will take the first step to cross it? Will the United States come first? Or shall we go first? The United States must withdraw from Taiwan so that we shall meet at the center of the bridge, and neither one will have an advantage over the other. The world is like a chessboard, and "one careless step will cause the loss of the whole game." We must struggle hard to take even one step. It is entirely reasonable for us to require the United States to withdraw from Taiwan. We must struggle hard to take this step. . . . The international situation makes it impossible for us to be easygoing, casual and indecisive. Time does not wait for us, so that we must hasten forward and catch up with the others. If we surpass the others, we must do so at a price; we must be ready to suffer injury and accidents. Because of the severe natural disasters and because our grain production was reduced, we must be satisfied with a lower standard and an alternative goal that is almost as good as our original goal. We must conquer the temporary difficulties and be ready to struggle against hardship; with diligence and thrift and economy we must |