that the message will get back behind the Iron Curtain, that we here in America understand the plight of the peoples of so many nations that find themselves under Communist domination.

It seems to me that the position of the United States can be correctly stated in a very clear way: We are in favor of freedom and self-determination for all peoples-for the Poles and the Hungarians, for the Latvians and the Czechs, no less than for the rising nations and peoples of Asia and Africa. And for the Germans, west and east.

The age of Western imperialism and colonialism is long since past. This country has stolen no nations as a result of wars that convulsed the first part of this century. We have been part of the victors, but we have exacted no tribute in land and peoples. This Republic has not acted the part of a conqueror seizing the spoils of battle.

The United States, I believe, has done what was in its power to heal the wounds of battle and to help all the sovereign powers, both friend and foe, restore a decent way of life and an effective economy.

The onetime colonial powers of Western Europe are no longer colonialists. Whatever errors they may have made 200 years ago, and a half century ago, the record shows that they have responded with sensitivity to the proper demand of subject peoples to handle their own affairs and settle their own destinies.

This is the record. It is a recital of fact, and we need have no fear of an examination of the record.

India and Pakistan, Indonesia and Burma, a dozen and a half countries of Africa, all-all of them--are free. The Western nations claim no special position regarding them. We are determined merely that they shall have the chance to develop their own methods and approaches to the splendid future opening to mankind, and that they shall not be subverted by the new colonialism and foreign intrusion of the Communist powers.

We are not compelled to atone for the past by spending all our time on our knees, apologizing to the Soviet bully boys in the diplomatic corps, while Soviet agents range up and down in an effort to capture the new Asian and African nations.

The facts of the postwar world are clear. The Soviet Union seized the Baltic States of Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania. The Soviet Union pledged its word that after the war there would be free elections in these countries and in all the other nations of Eastern Europe that the Red armies had taken from the German troops. This pledged word has not been kept. It has not been honored. Revolts of the workers and the peasants in Poland, East Germany, and Hungary have been suppressed only by bloody slaughter or the threat of slaughter. A barbed-wire fence and a concrete wall have been built around the Soviets' closed society to keep their own people from getting out. Whenever they have a chance, still, to "vote with their feet" they get out to the West, to freedom, as fast and as numerously as they can.

We do no service to the puppet-controlled people of the captive nations by promising swift liberation that the deadly fact of nuclear menace makes impossible. Among the great powers, it is foolish to brandish bombs at each other for the sake of rhetoric or for leaders here to say in election campaigns irresponsible words that in truth all American political leaders know cannot be carried out.

It is equally irresponsible, I suggest, for Mr. Khrushchev in the Kremlin to brandish bombs at us, to play games of cat-and-mouse on the freedom of West Berlin and the security of the people of the German Republic.

We have an obligation to the men and women and children of the captive nations, I believe, that requires steady nerves and a firm devotion to the tradition that is a permanent part of the American system-the simple devotion to freedom.

These peoples will be liberated from the grasp of imperialism. They will regain their status, and we shall play a part in it.

We must show patience and courage and determination. We must recognize that no subject, captive people-held gripped by puppet rulers who are traitors to their own land-must ever be abandoned as hopelessly Communist, hopelessly

lost.

Time is on our side. Time is on the side of those who fight for freedom and have the courage to hold on.

STATEMENT OF HON. GEORGE M. RHODES, MEMBER OF CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to present my views before your distinguished subcommittee on an issue which remains of vital concern to freedom-loving people everywhere.

The tragedy of our century, Mr. Chairman, lies in the suppression of those people who fought so bravely against one form of totalitarianism only to find themselves victims of another. More than 800 million people have found themselves in this condition since the conclusion of World War II. It is the story of Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Lithuania, and other nations of Eastern Europe.

The Nazi invasion of Poland without a declaration of war on September 1, 1939, put an end to Poland's independence. This outrageous act plunged most of the world into a devastating war which lasted more than 5 years, and which brought the enslavement of one-fourth of Europe's population by totalitarian tyranny.

The Western democracies declared war upon Nazi Germany, vowing to free: Poland and other countries invaded by Hitler's forces. Hitler was crushed, but the people of Poland were not freed. Without Soviet cooperation the governments of the West not only failed to free the Poles, but witnessed the enslavement of many other nations by the Soviet Union and its Communist agents in northeastern, central, and southeastern Europe. The sad paradox is that in addition to more than 25 million Poles who fought valiantly for their freedom and sacrificed more than any other people involved in the war, 8 other nations were sharing the fate of the oppressed and captured Poles.

These nine countries, including Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Rumania, and their nearly 100 million inhabitants are captives behind the Iron Curtain. There are also 17 million Germans in East Germany who share a similar fate. For nearly two decades these nations have been suffering from the thumb of Russian imperalism. It is the responsibility of those of us who are free to let these captive peoples know that we have not forgotten them. Through our Radio Free Europe, the Voice of America, U.S. Information Agency, and our other propaganda weapons we should let these people know that we in America have not forgotten their tragedy and their desire for freedom.

I think that every peaceful effort should be made to foster national independence and some degree of economic self-sufficiency. Through trade and aid I feel that much can be done to realize such ends in Poland, a nation where some hope for a lessening of tyranny strongly exists and a people which historically have been unyielding in their opposition to totalitarian tyranny.

I also feel that we have an obligation to tell our people, especially our youngsters, and those citizens of the newly independent nations, of the true story of Russian imperialism and the plight of the captive nations. These hearings which are being conducted by this distinguished subcommittee can do much to inform the world of the mockery which Soviet leaders make of such concepts as "democracy" and "freedom." The annual observance of Captive Nations Week is also essential in meeting this objective

The Achilles heel of the Soviet myth lies in the captive nations and people of Eastern Europe. It is up to us to spare no effort to pierce it.

STATEMENT OF HON. FERNAND J. ST. GERMAIN, MEMBER OF CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND, IN REGARD TO THE EUROPEAN CAPTIVE NATIONS, FRIDAY, MARCH 2, 1962

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to appear before this committee today to lend my voice to other Americans in praise of and in sympathy with those who are beneath the yoke of oppression, tyranny, and godless dictatorship in Eastern Europe. Your attention has already been drawn to the millions of enslaved peoples and to the proud and glorious histories of the nations behind the Iron Curtain. My concern is with the people of these nations and their hopes for the future.

The people of this country realized, during the period of the Hungarian Revolution, that we could not fully enjoy our freedom as long as other nations were denied the basic freedoms which peoples of all nations have a right to enjoy.

American concern for the peoples of the captive nations has a selfish motive. It is selfish because we cannot enjoy our freedom unless others are free. Justice and equality are all embracing, not isolated; contagious, not confined; are cherished for all, not just for those who are fortunate to have these benefits. It is these basic qualities of justice and freedom which causes America to stretch its hand to the peoples of the European captive nations.

When speaking to the representatives of the various nationality groups, I have always been impressed by the obvious yearning, awareness, and surging desire for freedom which lies in the hearts of these people. The Hungarian Revolution and the writings of European refugees foretell the course of future events. The time is near at hand when democracy must come to the fore in these nations or there will be the bloodshed, devastation, and sacrifice of Hungary. While the nations of the West may not be brought directly into the eventual struggle, while a general war may not be the result of the aspirations for freedom of the Iron Curtain nations, all the aid, support, comfort, and prayers possible of this Nation will be raised. We will do what we can, not because of any imperialist aim, not for territorial aggrandizement nor for the economic expansion of our own Nation. We should and will do whatever we can to aid and support the peoples of the captive nations in their struggle for freedom, but always within the framework of the very principles we are defending, never adopting the methods of those we oppose, for a sacrifice of principle gains nought but the destruction of that which you seek to gain as well as the loss of what you already hold.

I wish to thank the committee for this opportunity to lend my support to the 100 million people of Europe who are under Communist domination. As long as they remain so, the nations of the free world will not rest in peace. are free none are free.

Until all

STATEMENT OF MR. ZBIGNIEW STYPULKOWSKI, OF WASHINGTON, D.C. Former Polish barrister and Member of Parliament; leader of the World War II Polish underground: author of "Invitation to Moscow"; and Washington representative of Polish Council of National Unity in London

I believe that no one can claim to be more anti-Communist in his outlook than I am. During the war I was in Poland fighting the Nazi and Soviet aggressors. In March 1945 I was 1 of the 16 members of the Polish underground government who, under the pretext of participating in negotiations with Stalin's representative, Marshal Zhukov, were kidnapped and later brought to trial before the Supreme Court of the U.S.S.R. in Moscow. While imprisoned, I was subjected to 141 interrogations, but did not succumb to the Soviet terror and refused to plead guilty. For these so-called crimes I was threatened with the death penalty. Since 1947, that is during the last 15 years, I actively participated in the efforts of the Polish political exiles, whose main task was to represent the true will of the Polish nation and to give assistance in its struggle for freedom and independence. At the present time I am in the United States as a representative of the Polish Council of National Unity. The Polish Council of National Unity has its headquarters in London; it is composed of representatives of nearly all independent Polish political parties, civil and war leaders from the period of the Second World War, as well as outstanding leaders of the communities in exile.

As a representative of the Polish Council of National Unity, I wish to state that, in our judgment, economic aid to Poland, consisting of agricultural surpluses, should be continued; that the most-favored-nation clause relating to trade with Poland should not be withdrawn; and that this trade should not be put into the same category as U.S. trade with Cuba and China.

I stress that we are for aid to the Polish nations and not to the Communist regime. It means that in practical execution of the economic policy toward Poland, all reasonable steps should be taken to secure the following:

1. That innocently suffering people and not the regime should receive the maximum benefit from this program;

2. That the people be made aware without any doubt that the American aid is extended as a token of friendship for the Polish nation, and not as evidence of support for the Soviet-imposed and hated Communist govern< ment.

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I am of the opinion that in the present situation the U.S. Government can achieve the above two aims. The continual expanding of Polish commerce with the West forces the Communist regime in Poland to take into consideration, at least to some degree, the demands of such trade. Trade with the West, and any economic aid from those sources, is expected to contribute to the betterment of the lot of the Polish people-not the strengthening of the regime. The Polish people are alert enough to become aware of gross misdistribution of aid made available by the United States. If such aid is mishandled, transshipped, or used exclusively for political purposes of the regime, the people will know of it. Although the people themselves may be unable to prevent such mishandling, their reaction will be taken into consideration by the regime, which cannot afford at this time any further rise of discontentment in the nation.

We are in favor of wisely applied economic aid to Poland, because we see this aid as the only practical expression of the Western countries' concern with the fate of Poland. After the October revolt in Poland and the tragic results of the Hungarian revolution, my country realized that decisive outside assistance would not be forthcoming and experienced a feeling of deep disappointment and sense of complete isolation. Such a feeling of isolation can break the country's moral fiber, necessary for the daily resistance to Communist pressures, and lead to the decay of personal, family, and community life.

To sustain the spirit of a nation, it is not sufficient to pay lipservice to its cause by telling the Polish people that they can depend upon the friendship of the great American Nation and that Poland's fight against communism is appropriately valued in the Western strategy. For Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary, for all subjugated countries, for the security of Europe and the security of the United States, something more tangible is necessary-ultimately a firm, carefully planned policy which would have as its distinct aim the return of freedom to Central and Eastern Europe. Once this policy is established and pursued, the Polish nation will understand the purpose of further sacrifices. At that stage, the economic blockade of the Soviet bloc can become one, but only one, of the elements of such a policy.

But, unfortunately, the West is not yet ready for such a policy. What can be achieved by the policy of economic blockade toward Poland, when during the year 1960 the Common Market countries alone carried on a trade with the Soviet bloc in the amount of $2.8 billion and British commerce at the same time totaled $819 million? What can further be achieved, when now the German Federal Republic is considering the extension of credits to Eastern Germany in the sum of $800 million. Under these circumstances, such a policy toward Poland would give full satisfaction to Khrushchev and serve as propaganda material against the United States.

I am deeply aware that the Members of the House of Representatives who support the amendments aimed at cutting economic aid to Poland and severing economic relations with her, are friends of Poland and believe that this is the way to free her from Communist domination. But it is generally assumed that this liberation may be realized in a generation. Would it then be just to starve her for a generation in order to get her liberated in the future? This in my opinion would not be a "win policy."

I read some comments in the newspapers, that the termination of economic aid to Poland would bring about a revolt there and would hasten a crisis inside the Communist bloc. Under certain circumstances a revolution in Poland is possible. But do we realize that such a revolution, without immediate and full military support of the Western Powers, would probably result in a complete political and psychological catastrophe for the free world? Are we prepared for this? Due to my political obligation, I have frequent contacts with Poles, who visit the West. They are not Communists, they despise their Communist regime. According to their unanimous position, the severance of economic aid to Poland under present conditions would provoke deep disappointment among the Polish people. This feeling of disappointment would not be directed towards the policy of the U.S. Government, but rather toward the American people, symbolized by the House of Representatives.

STATEMENT BY ALBERT N. TARULIS

A HEAVY POPULATION LOSS IN LITHUANIA

1

Data on the Soviet population census of January 15, 1959, disclosed, among other things, a frightening decline in the Lithuanian population over the last two decades. For, as announced by the Central Statistical Administration of the U.S.S.R., 2,880,000 persons lived in independent Lithuania in 1939, but only 2,711,000 in Soviet Lithuania in 1959 (each time at the beginning of the year). This shows a net loss of 169,000 persons. In fact, the Soviets made a clumsy attempt to reduce the net loss by excluding from 1939 data the whole Klaipeda district in the west and a large number of settlements in the east, but including their inhabitants in the 1959 data. The difference for 1939 was at least 154,000 since that many persons lived in the Klaipeda district alone. Consequently, the correct figure for 1939 should read at least 3,034,000, and the net loss-323,000. The hypothetical loss is much larger, however, for the reason that the 1939 population of 3,034,000 was expected to grow at the same average rate of 1 percent per year, which was customary for prewar Lithuania, and to attain the figure of 3,700,000 by 1959. The loss of nearly 1 million, or a third of a nation, is indeed frightening. And it cannot be exclusively attributed to the ravages which Lithuania sustained in World War II. The Soviet Union, too, went through war devastations, but its population grew 9.5 percent larger between 1939 and 1959, wartime territorial annexations taken into consideration. Evidently, the Lithuanian nation must have suffered debacles more serious than war. Let us examine step by step what really happened.

3

Lithuania fell victim to Soviet aggression in mid-1940. Her territory was overrun by overwhelming military and police forces, her political institutions were dissolved, and she was forced to beg for admission into the Soviet Union as one of the new Soviet Republics. Her population at the time of the Soviet invasion, excluding the Klaipeda district (which was taken by Germany in the spring of 1939) and including a normal natural increase for 11⁄2 years, numbered about 2,921,000. The first wave of Soviet occupation that submerged the country for exactly a year caused several plus and minus shifts in the country's population. After Lithuania became a member of the Soviet Union, the neighboring White Russian Republic transferred the predominantly Lithuanian-inhabited švencionys and Druskininkai districts with 83,000 inhabitants. Furthermore, some 21,000 persons took advantage of the Soviet-German repatriation agreement of January 10, 1941, and moved to Lithuania from the Klaipeda and Suvalkai districts, which Germany annexed in 1939.6

As a result of these additions, Lithuania would have become more populous by 104,000 had it not been for escapees and expatriates. The number of escapees, before Soviet police assumed tight control of the Lithuanian-German frontier, has been placed at about 2,000. These were followed by 50,000 expatriates to Germany, by virtue of the same agreement of January 10, 1941.' Thus, the net addition to the population amounted to only 52,000 persons. The natural increase of 30,000 would have raised the aggregate figure to 3,003,000 by the end of the first wave of Soviet occupation in mid-1941, resulting in a net increase of 82,000.

1 Izvestila, May 10, 1959, and Feb. 4, 1960 (all figures are rounded out). The earlier figures was 2,713,000, but it underwent a slight reduction in the process of correction. The correct figure for 1939 should read 2,879,000 (Bulletin de Statistique de la Lithuanie, 1939, No. 10, p. 1).

2 Bulletin de Statistique de la Lithuanie, 1939, No. 2, p. 87, Table. II.

Ibid.. Table I, shows fluctuations between 0.91 and 1.08 percent per year in 1936-38. Cf. Albert N. Tarulis, "Soviet Policy Toward the Baltic States, 1918-1940" (Notre Dame, 1959), p. 182 ff.

Lithuanian Bulletin (New York, 1950), No. 1-6, p. 2. Incidentally, the Lithuanians held a perfectly clear title to a much larger piece of territory by virtue of the RussoLithuanian Peace Treaty of July 12, 1920. The Soviet Government in 1939 chose. however,

to forget its obligations.

p. 13.

Eugene M. Kulischer, "The Displacement of Population in Europe" (Montreal, 1946), 7 Ibid., pp. 13, 16. Among the expatriates, only 35,000 were of German descent. The others used all possible excuses to get on the list and move out of the reach of Soviet Occupation powers. A slightly higher figure-52,600-is quoted by "official Lithuanian Sources" (ibid., p. 13, No. 2).