would prepare a brief summary, and the chairman would release that which should be released, and I followed that practice, and the rule was that I did get no publicity, I did not consult with the people. I went on the theory that if we all got to talking we would garble it all, and that it was the chairman's business, and now we have one man among our experts here who has been under Senator Connally, the publicity agent, and doing other work, and with him and Wilcox they have prepared for me, after consulting with the main witness in the case, Bradley or whoever it was, what would be appropriate to release, that was released by the chairman, and that procedure, as I say, I followed the many years that I was down the table starting at the foot.

I realize that you are all harassed by these newspaper folks, and I guess we all are, and it is terrific how they can use their imaginations at times as to what you do not say; but I think you are facing a situation where you have either got to say, "Well, now, that will be taken care of by the chairman", or give the full story; that is your responsibility.

Of course, if it is the publicity that you want, I suppose you will get it.

Senator HUMPHREY. That is not my point-excuse me.

Senator TOBEY. Mr. Chairman, as I say, no Senator wants publicity, you realize that, do you not? You realize that no Senator seeks publicity.

The CHAIRMAN. You are humorous today.

Senator GREEN. Mr. Chairman, I think the point is that those who come before us ought to be warned they are not expected to tell outside what they tell us in secret inside.

Senator HUMPHREY That is the point.
Senator GREEN. That is the point.

UPDATE OF A PAMPHLET

Senator MANSFIELD. May I suggest that this booklet given to the committee this morning, "Tensions within the Soviet Union" be brought up to date? I think it is a valuable document, and the Library of Congress would do a good job to bring it up to date. The CHAIRMAN. That was done at my insistence, and it has been translated into foreign languages.

Senator MANSFIELD. It ought to be brought up to date.
Senator KNOWLAND. Lots happened in the last 2 years.

Senator MANSFIELD. Does that take a motion? Does that take a motion, Mr. Chairman?

The CAIRMAN. Well, I will so consider it.

Senator MANSFIELD. I so move.

The CHAIRMAN. You are asking that the Library of Congress bring it up to date for a committee print? Let the record show that that was done.

[Whereupon, at 11:55 a.m., the committee adjourned.]

MINUTES

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1953

UNITED STATES SENATE,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS,

Washington, D.C.

The Subcommittee on Overseas Information met in executive session at 2:15 p.m. in the Foreign Relations Committee room.

Present: Senator Hickenlooper (chairman), Senators Wiley, Mundt, Knowland, Green, and Fulbright.

The meeting dealt with organization and future plans.
For record of proceedings, see official transcript.

The subcommittee adjourned at 3:40 p.m.

DECLARATION ON CAPTIVE PEOPLES1

[Editor's note: Disputes over the wisdom and legal force of the agreements negotiated by Presidents Roosevelt and Truman with Marshal Stalin during the wartime political conferences (especially as these related to the disposition of national territories in Eastern Europe and the Far East and impinged upon or were seen as impinging upon the fate of those territories and peoples after the war when most fell within the orbit of Soviet power) were a recurrent theme in postwar debates on U.S. foreign policy. In his inaugural address on January 20, 1953, in partial fulfillment of a campaign pledge, President Eisenhower declared that his administration would "never acquiesce in the enslavement of any people in order to purchase fancied gain for ourselves," and further that he would ask Congress to join with him in "an appropriate resolution making clear that this Government recognizes no kind of commitment contained in secret understandings of the past with foreign governments which permit this kind of slavery." Such a declaration was requested by the President in a message to Congress on February 20, and a draft resolution submitted by the President was introduced in the House as H.J. Res. 200 on February 23. The matter was discussed briefly in the Foreign Relations Committee on February 24 and testimony was heard from Secretary Dulles on February 26. Discussion of the issue was continued during the confirmation hearing of Mr. Bohlen to be Ambassador to the Soviet Union on March 2. On March 3, the committee approved an amendment specifying that the resolution did "not constitute any determination by the Congress as to the validity and invalidity of any of the provisions of the said agreements and understandings." It then ordered the amended draft reported favorably to the Senate as an original resolution. In each case, however, the vote in Committee was a close 8 to 6, and it was evident that unanimous or near-unanimous Senate agreement to the resolution would be very difficult to obtain. In light of this, active support for the resolution in the Administration and Congress quickly drained away. Following the death of Stalin on March 5, the Administration let it be known that it would prefer to see the resolution die, and in a meeting on March 10 the Committee agreed to defer further action indefinitely.]

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1953

UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, D.C.

The committee met, pursuant to call, at 2:30 p.m., in the Foreign Relations Committee Room, U.S. Capitol Building, Senator Alexander Wiley (chairman) presiding.

Present: Senators Wiley (chairman), Smith of New Jersey, Hickenlooper, Taft, Langer, Ferguson, Knowland, George, Green, Fulbright, Sparkman, Gillette, Humphrey and Mansfield.

Also present: Dr. Wilcox, Dr. Kalijarvi, Mr. Marcy, Mr. Holt, Mr. O'Day, and Mr. Cahn of the committee staff.

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will come to order.

Mr. Secretary, you know the reason that we have asked you to come to talk to us.

1 See appendix C.

We would appreciate it if you will be good enough to explain exactly what is involved in the present resolution, what agreements are envisaged, and what are the sections of those agreements.

We understand that this morning you testified before the House Foreign Affairs Committee and had a statement you read, I believe. Now, you can proceed in your own manner, and after that we will proceed in our manner.

STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN FOSTER DULLES, SECRETARY OF STATE, ACCOMPANIED BY HERMAN PHLEGER, LEGAL ADVISER, THRUSTON B. MORTON, ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE, AND HORACE SMITH, SENATE LIAISON REPRESENTATIVE, DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Secretary DULLES. I would like, if the committee is willing, Mr. Chairman, to bring to your attention, by reading it, the public statement which I made on this subject.

I think copies are already before you.

Senator SPARKMAN. We have them.

Secretary DULLES. It will take me about 10 minutes to read it, if you will follow it.

The CHAIRMAN. Follow the course you desire.

CRUCIAL, COMPELLING AIM OF THE RESOLUTION

Secretary DULLES. The resolution proposed to the Congress by the President has one crucial, compelling aim. That aim is to make totally clear the integrity of this Nation's purpose in relation to the millions of enslaved peoples in Europe and Asia. The resolution speaks to those who yearn for national and personal freedom, and who fear that we may forget them. The resolution also speaks to the Soviet despots who have contrived this enslavement and who hope that we may come to accept it.

To those enduring enslavement, and to those inflicting it, we would make our position clear and firm. We, as a people, never have acquiesced, and never will acquiesce in the enslavement of other peoples. Our Nation, from its beginning, was and is inspired by the spirit of liberty. We do not accept or tolerate captivity as an irrevocable fact which can be finalized by force or by the lapse of time. We do not accommodate ourselves to political settlements which are based upon contempt for the free will of peoples and which are imposed by the brutal occupation of alien armies or by revolutionary factions who serve alien masters.

FACTS ON THE SOVIET TYRANNY

The facts we must face can be simply summarized. Some dozen people in the Kremlin are seeking to consolidate their imperial rule over some 800 million people, representing what were nearly a score of independent nations. The methods of the despots can be judged by the fact that there are some 15 million in forced labor camps in Soviet Russia. Their number amounts to double the total membership of the Soviet Communist party itself.

This tyranny has been extended far beyond the frontiers of Russia by the cold, calculated subjugation of free nation after free nation. The list is a tragic one: Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, Rumania, Albania, Outer Mongolia, Tannu Tuva, China, Korea-in part-Japan's northern Habomai and Shikotan islands.

But even the massive machinery of totalitarianism has not found. it easy to rule these nations and peoples. Since World War II, the Kremlin has found it necessary to purge more than one-third of their original puppet leaders within the satellite countries of Europe. In Asia, hundreds of thousands, if not millions, have been slaughtered in a publicized exhibition of terrorism.

MATTERS MORAL AND PRACTICAL

We must face these facts. It is a moral obligation to do so for all peoples have a right to know whether the United States acquiesces in this assault on freedom. It is a practical matter-for the ultimate fate of these peoples can gravely affect the future of freedom in Europe, in Asia, and through all the world, including our own United States.

In the glaring light of these facts, the nature of this resolution defines itself. It is a straightforward statement of American principle and American peaceful but firm purpose.

Some of you may think that American purpose is already clear, so clear that this resolution is superfluous. Let me assure you that that is not the fact. The captive peoples are oppressed by a great fear that at some future time the United States may agree to a partition of the world whereby we would accept and support Soviet dictatorship of alien peoples in the hope of gaining greater security for ourselves. This is not difficult to understand. Soviet propaganda vigorously spreads this fear and there are within the free world some who would countenance such a bargain. The resultant fear is not something to which we can be indifferent. It generates a sense of hopelessness and futility among the captives, which paralyzes the strivings which could operate peacefully to dissolve the unnatural unity of Soviet despotism and return it to its natural and historic parts.

So long as there is doubt as to the attitude of the United States, and I repeat that today there is such doubt, the captive peoples feel that they have no choice but to be passive victims allowing themselves to be made into tools of further aggression. If we want to maintain and stimulate the spirit of freedom which eventually will peacefully frustrate the oppressive design of Soviet despotism and disintegrate that over-extended despotism, the first and indispensable step is to make clear, on the highest authority of the President and the Congress that:

One, the United States does not countenance the violations by which Soviet leadership has perverted past agreements and understandings into chains of bondage. That is a result which the American people never intended and which they will never accept.

Two, the United States will never be a party to any international "deal" or "trade" confirming the rule of Soviet despotism over the alien peoples it dominates in Europe and Asia.

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