to whom our prefent conftitution is fo much indebted. And even then his fmall force of fourteen thousand men could not be levied, nor transported without much noife, and the affiftance of almost six hundred ships: both which, and the aid of the difaffected nobility would have failed in the enterprize, had not the mercenary army, raised to overawe the people, gone over to the Prince, and the fleet disobey'd the royal command.

The subsequent behaviour of many concerned in the invitation of their deliverer from arbitrary power, fhews, that they were not contented with the alterations, which enfued; and that the King, had he kept his ground, and given fecurity to govern according to law, would not have been driven from the throne. The nation was then fo jealous of a foreign force in the King's hand, that they obliged King William to fend back thofe very foldiers he brought with him, and would not suffer him, though a foreigner, to keep a Dutch guard about his perfon.

WHY then should Britons, under the present government, be fo often terrified by the reports of an invafion? Is not Britain as much divided from the continent now as in the days of Cæfar? must not our enemies invade us by fea? are we lefs able to dispute our liberty and property than the ancient Britons? is there any power upon earth fo fuperior to the prefent ftate of Britain, as the Romans were to the Druids? did they tamely submit to the Roman yoke, or place their ftrength in foreign fubfidies? did not they lofe H 3

their

their liberty, their laws, and their country, when they called in the Saxons to their affiftance? did not the Saxons fettle themselves in Britain by their naval power? were they not forced to yield to the Danes, by neglecting to keep up and to exert thofe means, by which they originally obtained the dominion of England? could the Norman have, fucceeded to the throne of Edward the Confeffor, had the kingdom been free from distractions, and governed by a lawful king? what power upon earth could have been hired to fight our battles, to guard our coasts, and to repel the force of Philip's invincible Armada, had not the wife Elizabeth placed her confidence in her fubjects? and the Prince of Orange was too politic ever to have attempted an invafion of this island, without a previous affurance of a friendly reception, and a favourable retreat.

THEREFORE, whatever may be the report concerning a French invafion, fo long as we have a navy fuperior to our enemies: while we reject the aid of foreign troops: while we vigorously exert our naval power, by ruining their navigation and trade; blocking up their harbours, and maintaining the dominion of the feas in the full extent, derived from the earlieft account of time: while we are governed by law, our liberties remain untouched, our property and religion are fecured; and we fhall be entrusted to fight our own battles, in defence of thofe valuable privileges; we need be under no apprehen

fions

fions for their fuccefs: nor, can it enter into the mind of any Briton, who has not a turn to serve by terrifying the thoughtless people, that the French ministry can ever seriously resolve upon any such scheme. Because without fome fuch opportunity, as favoured former invafions, there can be no profpect of doing us any injury and even then it would be very difficult to fhew the advantage fuch a war would produce; or how it would be fupported, when the supplies depend upon the winds and the seas. For it cannot be granted, that the bare fight of a French army would be fufficient to conquer a nation, whofe walls are the feas, whose strength is in their shipping, and whofe freedom is the price of their blood.

HAD it been the intereft of France to reduce Britain into a province of that crown, there have been many better opportunities: they would not have put it off till this age of fecurity, when the crown is guarded by loyalty, and the nation with wisdom, riches, and a ftrength fuperior to former times. A Mazarine would not have loft the advantage of the civil wars: nor a Colbert neglected the fuperiority of a Gallic navy, at the battle of La Hogue. It was then, as at this time, the policy of France not to conquer Britain; but, by fomenting factions, and rebellions, to waste the riches of this nation; whofe flourishing trade might otherwise infpire us with ambitious schemes of giving laws to our neighbours. And I am fully perfuaded, nothing can encourage

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fuch

fuch an undertaking fo much, as to find that our ftrength is to confift in hireling forces, that are always ready to ferve them that shall pay them best.

BUT, at all events, it is good policy to obviate every appearance of fuch a project. And to do this we cannot follow better advice than was given in Queen Elizabeth's time, to exert our naval force, to regulate the militia, to teach our youth the exercife of arms, to keep our money at home, to hire no foreigners, to punish all diffention and vain-glorious emulation amongst officers, whereby the public weal receives lofs and to fupprefs the luxury and prodigality of the wealthy; and the excefs, drunkenness, and intemperance of the poor.

P.

No. 13. SATURDAY, November 1st, 1755.

Non tali auxilio nec defenforibus iftis

Tempus eget.

To the FREEHOLDER.

SIR,

HOW

-VIRG.

OW natural is it for men, who have the fame interefts at heart, to concur in opinion? I am a Freeholder as well as you, and entirely approve of your principles and plan. I

J

with

wish I was nearer to you, that I might fometimes enjoy a little of your converfation. But I live in the country; I cannot fay entirely by choice; for, I own, I fhould be glad to vifit London once a year to rub off the ruft a little; to inform myself of the progress of arts and sciences, and the public ftate of the nation. But the load of taxes we groan under is fo heavy, and for that reafon the price of all the neceffaries of life is fo exceffive, that I cannot think of indulging myself in that pleasure: happy, if by my utmost care and labour I can procure the plaineft food and raiment for my family! Time has been when I could afford to spend two or three months in town, now and then get into the gal lery of a certain house; I do not mean either of the play-houses; and there delight myself with attending to the generous, but unequal struggle between private virtue and public corruption; fpreading ftill wide and more wide amongst us. How often have I heard fenfe, reafon, argument and truth poured forth with all the majefty of an angel-tongued eloquence, in vain upon men, who were no more impreffed by it, who felt it no more than the water whipped by Xerxes! Now I must content myself with what information, I can get from others; for ftill I am solicitous, ftill I enquire, how long virtue is like to linger, before the leave us; and if what I hear be true, she has already, or is foon to take her flight for ever an epidemic madness; or, what I fear much