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fo as to render them incapable for the future, to invade our property, or to disturb our trade.

In order to judge of this with greater certainty; let us take a fhort view of the ftate of trade in France, during the laft century; and compare it with their prefent policy and government.From the death of Mazarine, the arts, fciences, and manufactures, many of which had been introduced by that great statesman the Duke de Sully, were revived, encouraged, cultivated, and brought to perfection in many parts of France, by the vigilance and under the protection of the able and faithful minister Monf. Colbert.

To this encouragement was owing the great internal trade of filks, velvets, lace, tapestry, &c. By this trade, which the French for fome years enjoyed without a rival, they acquired great wealth and power; and, notwithstanding all the foibles of Lewis XIV. who facrificed every thing to his ambition and delight in war, by the fame means that minifter opened a foreign trade, and raised such a navy to protect the same, as for a time became mistress of the ocean. This great man faw, that France could never be rich and great by conquering, by laying wafte the neighbouring countries; that burning and destroying towns and villages did not at all enrich the deftroyer; that the old dominions were drained to garrifon the new, and that they grew daily weaker and poorer in proportion to their extent of frontier. He gave their politics a new turp,

and

and taught them where to find refources; how to fill the land with inhabitants, and enrich them with commerce. He faw with concern, that while other nations were establishing colonies at both ends of the world, France alone had neglected the fea, as well as the few miferable fet→ tlements they had at Martinico, St. Domingo, and Canada, which before his time were only an expence and burden to the mother country. He protected, cherished, and foon raised them to a flourishing condition; not indeed to what they are now, but to a degree of profperity they had never till then hoped for. Nay more, he taught them how to improve and extend them at our expence, and left them a regular well digested plan for their future operations.

BUT fuch is the misfortune of the people, whofe King is in love with armies and fieges; whose will and pleasure is their law; and whofe councils flatter his paffions and folly: that Colbert was no fooner dead, but Lewis, deluded by his mistress and confeffor, deferted the true intereft of his people; and blinded with a false zeal for religion, inflamed with arbitrary power, in the madness of his pride, banished the manufacturers, their arts, and trade; and thereby reduced his maritime commerce to a little more than a home confumption; and by his pride and yain-glory, devastation, and havock of his neighpouring dominions, drew upon himself the refentment and indignation of all the powers in Europe, which ruined his pavy, ftripp'd him

of

of all the resources of his riches, and oppreffed his fubjects by long and unfuccefsful wars.

THESE awakening circumftances at laft rouzed the fucceeding miniftry; who prefently found there could be no way to fave their nation, but by adopting Colbert's fyftem. They faw in his defigns a ftrong and lafting foundation of wealth and power to France; they adored his memory, they adopted his plans, and for these fifty years paft, except a few unavoidable interruptions, they have fteadily and uniformly pursued the execution of them: which our dormant, or rather wilfully blind minifters have scandalously suffered them to do: most wickedly turning a deaf ear to all the remonstrances and complaints of all our colonies, time after time, repeated in vain. So that now the French have infenfibly raised, and are in poffeffion of above thirty fortreffes in North America, at the back of all our settlements, to disturb and annoy us at pleasure, steal away the trade and confidence of the Indians from us, and to be the perpetual incendiaries of jealousy and war between us and them. This has been their plan to attack us in the fource of our naval power; their practice has been to fend a conftant fucceffion of filent fupplies, a fhip at a time, which have furreptitiously crept in upon us, while our drowsy watchmen flept; and now they attack us openly.

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WHAT are we now to expect? that they will lightly give up fuch a fyftem as this? No:

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they

they will defend their ufurpations with their utmost power as long as they can, and when that fails, they may by ceding a little, and retaining more, patch up an infidious peace with us,

more to be dreaded than all their war.

WHAT therefore have we to do? but to prepare in time for a vigorous, and perhaps, a long war; to keep our fleets out conftantly, to fupply our people abundantly with provifions, ftores, and money: a great deal will doubtlefs be wanted in America: and therefore it is to be hoped that we shall not wantonly and unprofitably fquander it away in Germany. It is not meet that we should take the childrens bread and caft it to the dogs.

WHAT in the name of common fenfe can be the meaning of hiring troops in Germany or Ruffia to defend either us or our colonies in A. merica? might we not full as reasonably hire a body of Samojedes or Siberians to be brought round by the north east paffage? They would arrive as timely, and do full as much fervice, if our service is meant. But to pretend that they are for our fervice, to argue that they are for our affistance, when it is impoffible they ever can aflift us; is an impofition upon the common understanding of mankind. If Britain is to be invaded and conquered, the blow must be ftruck, and the bufinefs over long before fuch diftant forces can come to our relief!

BUT, fay they, it is to preferve the ballance and power in Europe, leaft France fhould over

run

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run Germany: France gives fubfidies, hires auxiliaries, and therefore we must do fo too, or she will foon be too powerful for us. This is a mere fallacy: and I deny it abfolutely. We are by no means under the fame neceflity that France is: nature has given us a great advantage over France, if we did but know how, or had wisdom enough to make a right use of it. Germany united would undoubtedly be an overmatch for France; therefore she must give money to divide them: whereas it is our interest that they should be united.

But if we have not the Ruffians to keep the King of Pruffia in awe, he will be hired by France to lay the heart of Germany in flames. What! hire Prince Volfcius to kill Prince Volfcius! No: this is too ridiculous to deferve a ferious answer.

BUT if we enter not into those measures, France will by fubfidies, by treaties, or by one way or other, bring Sweden, Denmark, and all Europe upon us. Is it then the interest of all Europe or of any part of it, that France, that ambitious all-grafping power, that has for a century past, been aiming at the destruction of its neighbours, should be mistress of the ocean? or that we, who, as Britons have, and ought to have no views upon the continent, and while we are in our fenfes, can have no defire to disturb our neighbours, or extend our dominions, fhould be the maritime power? There must be some fanity in the councils of all Europe: and,

if

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