in a vigorous exertion of our naval force, on which alone we muft depend for our future fafety and protection.

NOR will all these precautions deliver us from our grievances, fhould our reprefentatives neglect to place the truft of the national affairs under better management. Can there be expected any favings, fhould the public money be intrufted to the care and conduct of men that have loaded us with taxes in time of peace, heavier than our forefathers ever felt in the time of war; and contracted a debt, which, I fear, the whole British dominions are not able to pay?

SHOULD any unthinking Briton, over zealous in the revenge of the infults, depredations, and hoftilities of the French, imagine, that this advice is unfeasonable; let me refer him to a most memorable instance in the reign of Richard II. when the house of commons infifted to have the grievances of the nation redressed, before they would grant the neceffary fupplies. The French had then assembled a very formidable

army, and a fleet to invade us, which England was in no condition to refift: and all their naval power was within a day's fale of the Thames mouth. Richard in this imminent danger fummoned his parliament, and demanded the neceffary fupplies to pay and support his army, then living at free quarters about London. What did the parliament in this terrible fituation? did they inconfiderately grant the king's demand? No: the king had been ill advised, the people had E 4

been

been oppreffed; and the public money mifapplied by the lord high treasurer, the lord high chancellor, and others, through whose hands the supplies had paffed: and therefore the parliament, both the lords and commons, addreffed his majesty to call them to a strict account: to remove the treasurer and chancellor from his councils: and refolved to proceed to no business, till his wicked minifters should be punished according to their deferts. Which had its defired effect, wrefted the government out of the power of evil counsellors, and produced a union and confidence between the king and his fubjects; and thereby defeated the machinations of their enemies, And to mention a precedent of this kind within the memory of fome now living: the dangerous fituation Europe in general, as well as this nation, in particular, was reduced to in the Year 1694, when our religion, liberties, and independency in a great measure depended upon the parliament's granting the neceffary supplies to carry on a war with France, the houfe of commons were fo ftung at King William's refufal in 1693, to give his affent to the triennial bill, which had paffed in both houses, that they infisted to have it affented to by his majesty, before they would grant any fupplies.

WHATEVER therefore may be the exigences of a state; though the delaying of power to raise money, which is the ftrength of the nation, may expofe it to the greatest danger; the bad conduct of minifters, and their profufion of public money are grievances, that require the previ

aus

ous confideration of parliament: without the least reflection on their loyalty. Nor will any fovereign, that ftudies the good and fafety of his subjects, rifque their liberty, and his own crown, by obftinately protecting thofe counsellors, who are become the just objects of his people's refent

ment.

THEREFORE, let it be the glory of the prefent parliament to prevent the ruin of their conftituents, at least fo far as to enter into no engagements, which can serve only to increase the national debt. Let it be the honour of the administration to pursue no measures which shall create taxes for the defence of any dominions, not fubject to the British crown. And let them both fo far confult their own and the public intereft, as in all money affairs to feek and follow the council and fchemes of fuch patriots, as that ancient fenator, the father of our metropolis, who has been concerned in the greatest affairs, and never fought his own, but his country's good, in all his propofals to raise the neceffary supplies for the state: and to reject and despise the fchemes of thofe rapacious harpies, which instead of being calculated how to raise money on the easiest terms to the nation, are contrived to aggrandize and enormously to enrich themfelves: efpecially fhould any fuch be offered by one, who though he had publickly declared with the utmoft affeverations, that he had no concern in a late money tranfaction, could not breathe British air, when that fame matter came to be inquired into. I hope I need not remind

our

our present ministry: Hic niger eft, hunc tu, Romane, caveto.

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No.8. SATURDAY, September 27th, 1755.

Sylla comitiis centuriatis civitatem eripere non potuit.

Cic. pro Domo.

OTHING can be fo pleafing to a political writer as to discover an affemblage of thoughts and affections in him and his readers. It either flatters him that his writings in the cause of liberty have animated their refolutions; or it convinces him that his fpirit is actuated by the fame impartiality and principles of love for his country, as they are, who by their public acts confirm the expediency of his admonitions.

How far the MONITOR partakes of this pleafure, may be eafily feen by a comparison of thofe fentiments, which breathe the true old British fpirit, in my laft paper, and which that most respectable body, the corporation of the city of London has openly avowed, in their late dutiful and affectionate addrefs to His Majefty.

An address, which does not echo the flattery of a minifterial faction; not calculated to deceive and poison the ear of their fovereign; to fmother the complaints and prayers of the people; to palliate their diftreffes, and to screen our enemies from due revenge: but, which is the overflowing

flowing of hearts, replete with truth and liberty; and is intended to roufe the British lion from a state of dangerous fecurity, by making a tender of their lives and fortunes, to enable His Majesty to begin and carry on a juft and neceffary war against an enemy, who is not to be bound by treaties; nor to be satisfied with any thing less than our ruin: but who may at any time be humbled by a proper exertion of that naval force, with which providence has diftinguished this nation, and enabled it above all others, to defend itself.

CAN the lion or the eagle defend themselves, or fecure their prey without thofe weapons, which nature has given them for a guard to themselves, and annoyance of their enemies? No: and fhall we iflanders, whom nature has armed with an adamantine bulwark round our nation, which no power can force, except we pare the lion's nails, by neglecting to exert our naval force; hope for success against the invaders of our dominions, the fpoilers of our fhips, and the enemies of our liberty; fhould we, by placing our fecurity and revenge in a war by land, continue that fyftem of modern politics, which has so often endangered the conftitution.

THIS cannot admit of the leaft debate: this I apprehend is the true fenfe of the city's address, And may the metropolis be followed by the fame fpirit, zeal, and refolution in this, as in all other laudable examples, by the whole nation, in their early and loyal addreffes to the throne, which

was