primarily abusing the youth for pressure tactics. These events, according to the plans of the enemy, together with the expected economic difficulties and foreign pressure for political change, should be the beginning of a quick series of successive events resulting in principle political change in the CSSR.

Václav NOVOTNÝ

Chief of the Secretariat of the FMI Operation Staff

To be obtained by:

RA (Regional Administration) SNB Chiefs - České Budejovice, Plzeň, Ústí nad Labem, Hradec Králové, Brno, Ostrava, Banská Bystrica, Košice;

S (Slovak) SNB Chief main m. Bratislava, XII. S SNB; (Ministry of the Interior and Environment CSR, SSR. [...]

[Source: ÚDV Archive. Documentation in connection with DMM (Defense Mobilization Measures) announcements at the occasion of the 17 November 1989 celebrations. Collection list corresponding to OV-00174/S-89.— Type-written copy. Translation for CWIHP by Vance Whitby.]

16,516 citizens signed the petition "A Few Sentences" of 8 August 1989.

2 Alexandr Vondra-Signator and Spokesperson for Charter 77, organized demonstrations in January 1989 and was imprisoned for his participation in the "A Few Sentences" campaign. Co-founder and leading member of Civic Forum. From 1990-92, foreign policy advisor to President Vaclav Havel, 1996 negotiator of the Czech-German Accords, Ambassador to the United States, Spring 1997-present.

Jan Urban-Signator of Charter 77, founder of underground publication Lidove Noviny and active leader in Civic Forum.

3 Jan Čarnogursky-A trial lawyer who defended dissidents until 1981, when the authorities forbid him trial work. Čarnogursky organized independent Catholic activists, became a leader of Slovak dissidents, was arrested in 1989, and was released after the events of 17 November. He became First Vice Premier of an independent Czechoslovakia and in 1991 became Prime Minister of the Slovak government. Čarnogursky was defeated by Meciar.

4 M. Kusý was released from prison on 10 June 1989, J. Čarnogursky only in November 1989.

'HOS-Hnutíza Občanskov Svobodu (Movement for Civic Freedom)

NMS-Nezávislé mírové sdružeí (Independent Peace

Action)

6 Pradeda in Jeseníky-The Pradeda is the name of one of the peaks in the Jeseníky mountains, located in northern Moravia.

7

Adam Michnik-A founder of the Polish dissident group KOR (the Worker's Defense Committee) in 1976, a lecturer at the "Flying University" and advisor to Solidarity trade union during the 1980s, Michnik was frequently imprisoned (1981-84 and 1985-86). A negotiator for Solidarity at the Roundtable talks with the Polish government in 1989, Michnik served in the first non-communist Sejm (1989-91) and co-founded one of the first free Polish newspapers Gazeta Wyborcza.

8 Petr Uhl-After the Prague Spring, Uhl became the leader of the illegal "Movement of Revolutionary Youth" and was jailed from 1969-73 for his activities. One of the first signatories of the Charter 77, Uhl helped found VONS Committee for the Defense of the Unjustly Prosecuted-one of the first significant dissident groups. Arrested with Havel, Dienstbier and Benda, he was jailed again from 1979-84, from 1984-89 he worked as a dissident journalist.

9 Vaclav Benda-A devout Catholic layman, active in VONS and served twice as spokesman of Charter 77, he was imprisoned and served a manual labor sentence. His writings focused on Catholicism and politics, and the sphere of morality in politics. After 1989, a founder and chairman of the Christian Democratic Party in the independent Czechoslovakia which in 1995 merged into Vacláv Klaus Civic Democratic Party. He later served as a Senator of the Czech Republic.

10 VB-Veřejná Bezpečnost (Public Security, the regular police like traffic, criminal, etc. under control of SNB). LM-Lidová Milice (the People's Militia, partycontrolled para-military "worker's" police).

11 FMVZ-Federalní Ministerstvo Zahraničních Vecsi (Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs).

12 MBO-Mimořádni Bezpečnostní Opatřeni (Extraordinary Security Measures).

13 Jiří Hájek-A leading figure in the Communist Party from 1948 through the 1950's and Minister of Foreign Affairs under Dubček, Hájek was dismissed from the party in 1969. A dedicated socialist even after the Prague Spring, he was one of the first three spokesman of Charter 77.

14 Editor's Note-in Czech, the word "most" means bridge. This organization was clearly to serve a bridging function between groups.

15 Československá Strana Socialistická (Czechoslovak Socialist Party) and Československá Strana Lidová (Czechoslovak People's Party)—two of the smaller political parties that were part of the official "National Front." 16 Wrocław-a city in Poland near the border with Czechoslovakia.

17 The first Czechoslovak Republic was founded in Prague by official declaration of the Czech National Council on 28 October 1989. This day was subsequently celebrated as the national independence day until the Communist takeover in 1948.

18 Karel Čapek, well-known author of numerous short stories, political observer, journalist, friend of President T.G. Masaryk (1890-1938).

DOCUMENT No. 1

The Civic Forum's Exposition of its Position
in Public Life with a Call for Nonviolence,
Tolerance and Dialogue,
Prague, 20 November 1989

The Civic Forum is not a political party, nor an organization which accepts members. It is an absolutely open society of people who feel themselves responsible for the positive resolution of the untenable political situation, wanting to unite the forces of all the honest and democratically-minded citizens-artists, students, workers and all people of good will. It was established spontaneously in the presence of all the groups which on Sunday, 11 November, took part in an independent social activity. We consider this representation of the people to be competent to negotiate with responsible political authorities. We are, therefore, after an objective plan of action, not violence. We do not want crudeness. We appeal to the members of the police, the army, the militia, to refuse brutality and repression of the will of the people. As long as in reality nobody was killed during the harsh intervention of uniformed units, we are all happy, but this does not mean that there did not occur massacres, injuries and bloodshed. Various wild rumors and willfully disseminated misinformation are multiplying. Let us not succumb to them! We ask all citizens to act responsibly, humanely, tolerantly and democratically. Let us lead our common goal, as much as it is in our power, to a good conclusion. Let us persist and let us not give up!

[Source: Informational Service #2, 21 November 1989, p.1. Published in Czech in Jiří Suk. Občanské Fórum. Institute for Contemporary History, Prague, 1989. Translated for CWIHP by Caroline Kovtun.]

***

DOCUMENT No. 2

The Civic Forum's Position on the Negotiations of its Representatives with Prime Minister Ladislav Adamec,

Prague, 21 November 1989

Part of today's declaration of the government of the CSSR also [contained] information on the meeting of

Prime Minister [Ladislav] Adamec' with the representatives of the Civic Forum [CF].

The government understood the negotiations to be the beginning of a dialogue and interpreted them in the sense that even this event is testimony to the government's effort to decisively resolve the rising crisis situation. According to the government, this dismisses the reasons for the organization of strikes and demonstrations.

We proclaim: The meeting between the CF's representatives and L. Adamec was merely of an informational character, and therefore could not in any way influence our positions. The CF unequivocally supports the strikes of the students, theater artists, sculptors and painters, and supports the call for a general strike on 27 November as well.

We want to contribute to the eventual dialogue by sharing the responsibility of establishing committees which would represent the broadest public and would initiate negotiations on four of the demands of the fundamental declaration of the Civic Forum.2

Prague, 21 November 1989.

[Source: Ústav pro sodobé dějiny (ÚSD), Akademie věd České republiky (AV ČR), Koordinační centrum Občanského fóra (KC OF) Archive, file Dokumenty OF— copy of the computer print. Translated by Caroline Kovtun.]

***

DOCUMENT No. 3

Letter from the Civic Forum to

US President George Bush and USSR General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev, 21 November 1989

Dear Sirs!

On 19 November 1989, the Civic Forum, which feels itself responsible to act as the mouthpiece of the Czechoslovak public, was established in Prague. In a demonstration by the Prague populace, attended by hundreds of thousands of people on Wenceslas Square, the Civic Forum gained a consensus of opinion and therefore is turning to you also in the name of these people.

The Soviet government has announced a policy of non-involvement in connection with the democratic

movements in Eastern Europe. We must warn you that in the case of Czechoslovakia, this policy in reality means support for the political leadership which was installed in the year 1968 by forceful intervention, and which, during the course of twenty years of rule, has absolutely discredited itself. One of the demands of the mass demonstration on 21 November was precisely the removal of these politicians from the political scene.

Dear Sirs, we are of the opinion that the past intervention into Czechoslovak internal events in the year 1968 should be condemned and decried as an unlawful encroachment. The silence surrounding the intervention in August de facto means entanglement into Czechoslovak internal conditions. We besiege you to pay attention to this question during your negotiations; it is not only important for Czechoslovakia these days, but also for all of Europe.

The Civic Forum

In Prague on 21 November 1989

[Source: Informational Service #2, 21 November 1989, p.1. Published in Czech in Jiří Suk. Občanské Fórum. Institute for Contemporary History, Prague, 1989. Translated for CWIHP by Caroline Kovtun.]

***

DOCUMENT No. 4

The Declaration of Civic Forum Representative Václav Havel on Wenceslas Square, Prague, 23 November 1989, 4 p.m.

The Declaration of The Civic Forum

After twenty years Czechoslovakia once again finds itself at a historical intersection thanks to the people's movement, to which all generations and segments of the population and the majority of the still existing social organizations are quickly adding themselves. This movement is a movement of both of our nations. Its mouthpiece has spontaneously become the Civic Forum, which today is the real representative of the will of the people. Its natural component has become the wellorganized student movement, which, through its protest demonstration, gave us the impulse for dramatic social movement. Within it work all the current independent initiatives, artistic unions headed by the theater-the first to be in solidarity with the students and the renewed currents in the National Front, including many former and current members of the CPCz. The Catholic Church supported the Civic Forum through the words of the cardinal, and other churches in Czechoslovakia. Anyone who agrees with its demands is joining, and may join, the Civic Forum.

The Civic Forum is prepared to secure a dialogue between the public and the present leadership immediately and has at its disposal qualified forces [from] all areas of society, capable of carrying out a free and objective dialogue about real paths toward a change in the political and economic conditions in our country.

The situation is open now, there are many opportunities before us, and we have only two certainties.

The first is the certainty that there is no return to the previous totalitarian system of government, which led our country to the brink of an absolute spiritual, moral, political, economic and ecological crisis.

Our second certainty is that we want to live in a free, democratic and prosperous Czechoslovakia, which must return to Europe, and that we will never abandon this ideal, no matter what transpires in these next few days.

The Civic Forum calls on all citizens of Czechoslovakia to support its fundamental demands by the demonstration of a general strike declared for Monday, 27 November 1989, at noon. Whether our country sets out in a peaceful way on the road to a democratic social order, or whether an isolated group of Stalinists, who want at any price to preserve their power and their privileges disguised as empty phrases about reconstruction will conquer, may depend upon the success of this strike.

We challenge the leadership of this country to grasp the gravity of this situation, rid themselves of compromised individuals and prevent all eventual efforts for a violent revolution.

We call on all the members of the ruling party to join the citizenry and respect its will.

We challenge all the members of the People's Militias to not come out violently against their comrade workers and thus spit upon all the traditions of worker solidarity. We challenge all the members of the Police to realize that they are first and foremost human beings and citizens of this country and only second subordinate to their superiors.

We challenge the Czechoslovak People's Army to stand on the side of the people and, if necessary, to come out in its defense for the first time.

We call on the public and the governments of all countries to realize that our homeland is from time immemorial the place where European and world confrontations have begun and ended, and that in our country it is not only its fate which is at stake, but the future of all of Europe. We therefore demand that they support in every way the people's movement and the Civic Forum.

We are opponents of violence; we do not want revenge; we want to live as dignified and free people, who have the right to speak for the fate of their homeland and who also think of future generations.

The Civic Forum 23 November 1989

[Source:ÚSD AV ČR, KC OF Archive, file Dokumenty OF-copy of the computer print. Translated by Caroline Kovtun.]

DOCUMENT No. 5 Draft Thesis of the Program of the Civic Forum, Prague, 24 November 1989

Program of the Civic Forum

(First draft thesis, 24 November 1989)

Czechoslovak society is going through a deep crisis. This crisis is displayed primarily:

1. In the disregard of several human rights, especially the right of free assembly and association, the right of free expression of opinion, and the right to partake in the decisions of public affairs.

2.

In the continuing disillusionment of society, the unsteadiness of moral values, the erosion of the meaning of truth and knowledge, education and rationality, dialogue and tolerance, that is values which have been in European culture for thousands of years; this process is accompanied by actual or internal emigration, corruption, orientation towards consumerism and other undesirable phenomena.

3. In the emptiness of a great part of official culture. 4. In the decrease in the level of culture and education, which is especially pronounced when compared internationally.

5. In the rapidly worsening quality of the environment, connected to the devastation of natural resources, the contamination of drinking water and comestibles by parasitic, harmful substances; through this the most basic human right, the right to life, is violated.

6. In the worsening state of health of the Czechoslovak population and the endangerment of its ability to reproduce.

7. In the backwardness of Czechoslovak science in many scientific fields and applied areas.

8. In the decline of the total innovational activity in the society.

9. In the decreasing effectiveness of the Czechoslovak economy and the growth of foreign and especially internal debt.

10. In the rising alienation between individual and social groups; the alienation between ordinary citizens and the ruling group is reaching Kafkaesque proportions.

11. In the abuse of the means of force against the citizens, which we were reminded of once again with the intervention of "disciplinary forces" on 17

November 1989, in Prague.

12. In the worsening of the overall position of Czechoslovakia in the international community.

All these introduced, deeply disturbing phenomena bear witness to the impairment of the ability of our society to control effectively our development; [they] are testimonies to the unsuitable current political and economic system. In the society almost all corrective feedback, which is essential for effective reaction to the fast-changing internal and external conditions, has been impaired. For long decades, the simple principle of the symmetry between authority and responsibility has not been respected: those in the state who attribute every executive authority to themselves, do not feel themselves to be responsible for the effected and missed decisions and refuse to settle accounts with the nation for their actions. All three fundamental powers of the state: legislative power, executive and judicial (regulatory), have come into the hands of a narrow ruling group, composed almost exclusively of CPCz members. This struck at the very foundations of a lawful state. The ruling group does not respect its own laws and international agreements not only in the area of human rights, but not even in other, wholly non-political spheres-an example of this can be the systematic violation of laws on environmental protection. The practice of the nomenclature of the CPCz, consisting of the placement of leading workers in all important places, creates a vassal system which cripples the entire society. The citizens were thus degraded to the position of a common mob, who are denied basic political rights.

The directive system of the central leadership of the national economy has reached the limits of its potential. The promised reconstruction of the economic mechanism is without results and proceeds slowly. It is not accompanied by political changes, which undermines its effectiveness. A solution to these problems cannot be the simple exchange of seats in the positions of power or the resignation of several of the most compromised politicians from public life. It is necessary to make fundamental, effective and lasting changes in the political and economic system of our society. The basis of this must be newly created or renewed democratic institutions, which would enable real-not just proclaimed citizen participation in the management of public affairs and simultaneously establish an effective system to prevent the abuse of political and economic power. A condition for this is the creation of such a climate in the society that would provide equal opportiunities to all existing political parties and newly established political groups to prepare and hold free elections with independent candidate lists. A selfevident condition is the resignation of the CPCz from its constitutionally ensured leading role in our society and in its monopoly of the control of public media.

In the national economy we consider it essential to support the activity and productivity of the widest strata of