Join in proclaiming the hope that the peoples who have been subjected to the captivity of Soviet despotism shall again enjoy the right of self-determination within a framework which will sustain the peace; that they shall again have the right to choose the form of government under which they will live; and that sovereign rights of self-government shall be restored to them all in accordance with the pledge of the Atlantic Chartér.

9. DRAFT RESOLUTION ON THE SUBJUGATION OF FREE PEOPLES BY THE SOVIET UNION: Statement by the Secretary of State Before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, February 26, 1953 1

The resolution proposed to the Congress by the President 2 has one crucial, compelling aim. That aim is to make totally clear the integrity of this Nation's purpose in relation to the millions of enslaved peoples in Europe and Asia. The resolution speaks to those who yearn for national and personal freedom and who fear that we may forget them. The resolution also speaks to the Soviet despots who have contrived this enslavement and who hope that we may come to accept it.

To those enduring enslavement, and to those inflicting it, we would make our position clear and firm. We, as a people, never have acquiesced and never will acquiesce in the enslavement of other peoples. Our Nation, from its beginning, was and is inspired by the spirit of liberty. We do not accept or tolerate captivity as an irrevocable fact which can be finalized by force or by the lapse of time. We do not accommodate ourselves to political settlements which are based upon contempt for the free will of peoples and which are imposed by the brutal occupation of alien armies or by revolutionary factions who serve alien masters.

The facts we must face can be simply summarized. Some dozen people in the Kremlin are seeking to consolidate their imperial rule over some 800 million people, representing what were nearly a score of independent nations. The methods of the despots can be judged by the fact that there are some 15 million in forced labor camps in Soviet Russia. Their number amounts to double the total membership of the Soviet Communist Party itself.

This tyranny has been extended far beyond the frontiers of Russia by the cold, calculated subjugation of free nation after free nation. The list is a tragic one: Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, Rumania, Albania, Outer Mongolia, Tannu Tuva, China, Korea (in part), and Japan's northern Habomai and Shikotan islands.

But even the massive machinery of totalitarianism has not found it easy to rule these nations and peoples. Since World War II, the Kremlin has found it necessary to purge more than one-third of their

! Department of State Bulletin, Mar. 9, 1953, pp. 372–373.

2

Supra.

original puppet leaders within the satellite countries of Europe. In Asia, hundreds of thousands, if not millions, have been slaughtered in a publicized exhibition of terrorism.

We must face these facts. It is a moral obligation to do so for all peoples have a right to know whether the United States acquiesces in this assault on freedom. It is a practical matter-for the ultimate fate of these peoples can gravely affect the future of freedom in Europe, in Asia, and through all the world, including our own United States. In the glaring light of these facts, the nature of this resolution defines itself. It is a straight-forward statement of American principle and American peaceful but firm purpose.

Some of you may think that American purpose is already clear, so clear that this resolution is superfluous. Let me assure you that that is not the fact. The captive peoples are oppressed by a great fear that at some future time the United States may agree to a partition of the world whereby we would accept and support Soviet dictatorship of alien peoples in the hope of gaining greater security for ourselves. This is not difficult to understand. Soviet propaganda vigorously spreads this fear and there are within the free world some who would countenance such a bargain. The resultant fear is not something to which we can be indifferent. It generates a sense of hopelessness and futility among the captives, which paralyzes the strivings which could operate peacefully to dissolve the unnatural unity of Soviet despotism and return it to its natural and historic parts.

So long as there is doubt as to the attitude of the United States, and I repeat that today there is such doubt, the captive peoples feel that they have no choice but to be passive victims allowing themselves to be made into tools of further aggression. If we want to maintain and stimulate the spirit of freedom which eventually will peacefully frustrate the oppressive design of Soviet despotism and disintegrate that overextended despotism, the first and indispensable step is to make clear, on the highest authority of the President and Congress, that:

One, the United States does not countenance the violations by which Soviet leadership has perverted past agreements and understandings into chains of bondage. That is a result which the American people never intended and which they will never accept.

Two, the United States will never be a party to any international "deal" or "trade" confirming the rule of Soviet despotism over the alien peoples it dominates in Europe and Asia.

Three, the United States seeks, as one of its peaceful goals, that these enslaved national groups of Europe and Asia shall recover genuine independence.

That is the purpose of the resolution now before you.

President Eisenhower proposes that our nation should reaffirm its awareness that the struggle in the world today is, above all, a moral conflict. We propose to attest our fidelity, without compromise or vacillation, to the principles of honor and political freedom upon which the nation was founded and which have made us always the dread of the oppressor and the hope of the oppressed. We propose, in the

spirit of the early days of the Republic, to do what we peacefully can do, in order to revive the hopes of those now enslaved.

This resolution is no call to bloody and senseless revolution. On the other hand, it is no idle gesture. It is an act of great historical importance and many consequences will stem from it. As its purpose becomes more and more widely understood, it will, over the coming years, revive the inherent longing for freedom which persists within the captive peoples so that that longing becomes a mounting spiritual power which will eventually overcome the material power of Soviet dictatorship to rule what it has, or to subjugate more.

This resolution looks to the future, rather than to the past. The past is controversial. Should past administrations have made the agreements which they made? Were they foolishly beguiled by Soviet promises? Were they too much moved by considerations of shortterm expediency, so that they sacrificed basic principles? Did they exceed their power in what they attempted; for these wartime agreements were never subjected to the constitutional processes of our Government? All of these questions have been, and long will be, debated.

The resolution which President Eisenhower has proposed would avoid this realm of controversy. It validates nothing that is invalid. It gives up no rights, if we choose to assert them. It also leaves us free to pursue other courses and take other steps in the future, as circumstances may indicate their desirability.

What the President seeks is a solemn act of dedication for the future. It is an act which needs, and deserves, the support of both great parties. It will provide the indispensable foundation upon which future foreign policies can again build a structure of peace, justice, and freedom. Therefore, I beg, let us not on this occasion divisively debate the past. Let us unitedly move on to mold the future.

10. CONDEMNATION OF SOVIET PERSECUTION OF RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES: Senate Resolution 84 (83d Congress, 1st Session), February 27, 1953 1

Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate of the United States that the vicious and inhuman campaigns conducted by the Soviet Government and its puppet governments in satellite states in Europe and Asia against minority groups such as the persecution of Greek Orthodox congregations, the imprisonment of Roman Catholic prelates, the harassment of Protestant denominations, the suppression of Moslem communities, the persecution and scattering of ethnic groups in Poland, in the Ukraine, in the Baltic and Balkan States and in many other areas under Soviet domination, and most recently the increasing persecution of the people of the Jewish faith, deserve the strongest condemnation by all peoples who believe that spiritual values are the bases of human progress and freedom.

Resolved further, That the President of the United States is hereby urged to take appropriate action to protest, particularly in the General Assembly of the United Nations, against these outrages, in order that the United Nations shall take such action in opposition to them as may be suitable under its charter.1

11. PRECONDITIONS FOR ACCOMMODATION WITH THE SOVIET UNION: Remarks by the Secretary of State at a News Conference, April 3, 1953 2

Nothing that has happened, or which seems to me likely to happen, has changed the basic situation of danger in which we stand. There are three basic facts which, I think, we should always have in mind as long as they are the facts.

The first is this: The Soviet Union is a heavily armed totalitarian state, subject to the dictates of a small group, whose total control extends to one-third of the people, and the natural resources of the world.

The second fact is that the leaders of the Soviet Union are basically and deeply hostile to any other state which does not accept Soviet Communist control. That is part of their fanatically held creed.

The third fact is that the Soviet Communist leaders do not recognize any moral inhibitions against the use of violence. In fact, they do not admit the existence of such a thing as the moral law.

Now those facts combine to create a grave danger, and as I said, nothing that has happened or seems likely to happen in the near future ends that danger, or our need, or the need of the free world generally, to take precautions against it. That, however, does not prevent accommodations from time to time which may be usefuluseful if, but only if, they do not blind us to the persistence of the danger.

At the moment I see nothing which ends that danger or would justify us in changing any of our basic defensive policies, either alone or in conjunction with our allies. Now, there are, as I have said, possibilities of useful accommodation that could relate to such matters as the exchange of wounded and sick prisoners of war in Korea, and if good faith is shown in relation to that, then there may be the possibility of an armistice in Korea.

There is a question of an Austrian treaty which could also be a matter of accommodation.

There are a whole series of outstanding questions which can be a matter of accommodation.

The point I want to make is that so long as these three conditions

1 This resolution was transmitted with a letter of Mar. 13, 1953, from the U. S. Representative to the United Nations to the Secretary-General (Department of State Bulletin, Apr. 6, 1953, p. 506).

2 Ibid., Apr. 13, 1953, p. 524. See also Secretary Dulles' address of Apr. 18, 1953 (ibid., Apr. 27, 1953, pp. 607–608) and Under Secretary Smith's address of Apr. 25, 1953 (ibid., May 11, 1953, p. 677).

persist, to which I referred, we must not, in my opinion, assume that the danger is over and that we are living in a peaceful world which requires neither armament nor our allies.

see nothing which should delay or hamper the European Defense Community and the other basic policy measures that we are trying to take.

12. TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS ON SOVIET CITIZENS IN THE UNITED STATES: Note From the Secretary of State to the Soviet Ambassador at Washington, January 3, 1955 2

1

The Secretary of State presents his compliments to His Excellency the Ambassador of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and has the honor to state that the following regulations have been instituted and will apply until further notice to travel in the United States by Soviet citizens in possession of valid passports issued by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics other than Soviet citizen officers and employees of the Secretariat of the United Nations while their conduct is a responsibility of the Secretary General of the United Nations.

Travel will be permitted throughout the United States except in the border zones described in enclosure No. 1, the states and counties listed in enclosure No. 2, those cities which are listed in enclosure No. 3 as closed cities in otherwise open areas, or as otherwise indicated below. Enclosure No. 4 lists open cities in otherwise closed areas. The prior notification of travel procedure set forth in the Department's note of March 10, 1952,3 is extended to include all resident Soviet citizens who are in possession of valid passports issued by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics other than Soviet Officers and employees of the Secretariat of the United Nations while their conduct is a responsibility of the Secretary General of the United Nations. Soviet citizens who are temporarily admitted to the United States for some specific purpose which does not involve temporary residence in Washington, District of Columbia, or New York, New York, will not be subject to the prior notification of travel requirement. At the discretion of the Department, they may also be granted access to a closed city or area if their presence in such city or area is germane to the purpose of the visit for which admitted. Notifications will be addressed to the Department of State, the Army, Navy or Air Force foreign liaison offices, or the United States Mission to the United Nations in New York, New York, as appropriate at least forty-eight hours in advance of anticipated travel of more than twenty-five miles distance from the centers of Washington, D. C., or New York, New York. Each notification should contain 1 Georgi N. Zaroubin.

Department of State Bulletin, Jan. 31, 1955, pp. 193-197. See also the note of July 11, 1955, from the Department of State to the Soviet Embassy granting a Pravda correspondent access to a restricted area (ibid., July 25, 1955, pp. 134135).