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not by any means be interpreted as acquiescence on my part-Far from it.

But it has seemed to me that in the closing minutes of this conference there is no necessity for me to announce to this conference and to the world the United States position on the important questions we have discussed. These I hope and believe have already been made clear. Therefore, it has not seemed particularly fitting once more to recite them in detail. Rather I content myself with some reflections on our work of the past week and an expression of some hopes for the future.

This has been an historic meeting. It has been on the whole a good week. But only history will tell the true worth and real values of our session together. The follow-through from this beginning by our respective Governments will be decisive in the measure of this Conference.

We have talked over plainly a number of the most difficult and perplexing questions affecting our several peoples and indeed the peoples of the entire world.

We did not come here to reach final solutions. We came to see if we might together find the path that would lead to solutions and would brighten the prospects of world peace.

In this final hour of our assembly, it is my judgment that the prospects of a lasting peace with justice, well-being, and broader freedom, are brighter. The dangers of the overwhelming tragedy of modern war are less.

The work of our Foreign Ministers as they strive to implement our directives will be of great importance, perhaps of even more than what we have done here. Theirs is the task, reflecting the substantive policies of their Governments, to reach agreement on courses of action which we here could discuss only in broad terms. I know we all wish them well.

I trust we will all support the necessary adjustments which they may find our Governments must make if we are to resolve our differences in these matters.

If our peoples, in the months and years ahead, broaden their knowledge and their understanding of each other, as we, during this week, have broadened our knowledge of each other, further agreement between our Governments may be facilitated. May this occur in a spirit of justice. May it result in improved well-being, greater freedom, and less of fear or suffering or distress for mankind. May it be marked by more of good will among men. These days will then indeed be ever remembered.

I came to Geneva because I believe mankind longs for freedom from war and rumors of war. I came here because of my lasting faith in the decent instincts and good sense of the people who populate this world of ours. I shall return home tonight with these convictions unshaken, and with the prayer that the hope of mankind will one day be realized.

41. DIRECTIVE OF THE HEADS OF GOVERNMENT OF THE FOUR POWERS TO THE FOREIGN MINISTERS, JULY 23, 19551

The Heads of Government of France, the United Kingdom, the U. S. S. R. and the U. S. A., guided by the desire to contribute to the relaxation of international tension and to the consolidation of confidence between states, instruct their Foreign Ministers to continue the consideration of the following questions with regard to which an exchange of views has taken place at the Geneva Conference, and to propose effective means for their solution, taking account of the close link between the reunification of Germany and the problems of European security, and the fact that the successful settlement of each of these problems would serve the interests of consolidating peace.

1. European Security and Germany. For the purpose of establishing European security with due regard to the legitimate interests of all nations and their inherent right to individual and collective selfdefence, the Ministers are instructed to consider various proposals to this end, including the following: A security pact for Europe or for a part of Europe, including provisions for the assumption by member nations of an obligation not to resort to force and to deny assistance to an aggressor; limitation, control, and inspection in regard to armed forces and armaments; establishment between East and West of a zone in which the disposition of armed forces will be subject to mutual agreement; and also to consider other possible proposals pertaining to the solution of this problem.

The Heads of Government, recognizing their common responsibility for the settlement of the German question and the re-unification of Germany, have agreed that the settlement of the German question and the re-unification of Germany by means of free elections shall be carried out in conformity with the national interests of the German people and the interests of European security. The Foreign Ministers will make whatever arrangements they may consider desirable for the participation of, or for consultation with, other interested parties.

2. Disarmament 3

The Four Heads of Government,

Desirous of removing the threat of war and lessening the burden. of armaments,

Convinced of the necessity, for secure peace and for the welfare of mankind, of achieving a system for the control and reduction of all armaments and armed forces under effective safeguards,

Recognizing that achievements in this field would release vast material resources to be devoted to the peaceful economic development of

1 The Geneva Conference of Heads of Government, July 18-23, 1955 (Department of State publication 6046; 1955), pp. 67-68.

2 For the texts of documents regarding discussion of these questions at the Geneva Conferences, see supra, pp. 1886-1896.

See infra, pp. 2841-2843.

nations, for raising their well-being, as well as for assistance to underdeveloped countries,

Agree:

(1) for these purposes to work together to develop an acceptable system for disarmament through the Sub-Committee of the United Nations Disarmament Commission;

(2) to instruct their representatives in the Sub-Committee in the discharge of their mandate from the United Nations to take account in their work of the views and proposals advanced by the Heads of Government at this Conference;

(3) to propose that the next meeting of the Sub-Committee be held on August 29, 1955, at New York;

(4) to instruct the Foreign Ministers to take note of the proceedings in the Disarmament Commission, to take account of the views and proposals advanced by the Heads of Government at this Conference and to consider whether the four Governments can take any further useful initiative in the field of disarmament.

3. Development of Contacts between East and West

The Foreign Ministers should by means of experts study measures, including those possible in organs and agencies of the United Nations, which could (a) bring about a progressive elimination of barriers which interfere with free communications and peaceful trade between people and (b) bring about such freer contacts and exchanges as are to the mutual advantage of the countries and peoples concerned. 4. The Foreign Ministers of the Four Powers will meet at Geneva during October to initiate their consideration of these questions and to determine the organisation of their work.

42. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE AT A NEWS CONFERENCE, JULY 26, 1955 1

The Geneva "Summit" Conference produced good results. First of all, I would put the fact that it registered a certain transformation in the relations between the Soviet Union and the Western Powers. They became less brittle. That should mean that, for the predictable future, we can subject our differences to the patient processes of diplomacy with less fear that war will come out of them. That, of course, does not mean that early and easy solutions are in sight. It does mean that the war danger has further receded.

Another development at the Geneva Conference was the resourcefulness and initiative of the Western Powers. That was particularly evidenced by President Eisenhower's dramatic proposal that the United States and the Soviet Union should agree that peaceful planes would fly over each other's territory to take photographs so that each

1 The Geneva Conference of Heads of Government, July 18-23, 1955 (Department of State publication 6046; 1955), pp. 87-88.

could be sure that the other was not planning a massive surprise attack.1

This is the most dramatic, and at the same time most serious and sober, peace proposal that history records. The Soviets made no immediate reply, but that is not surprising for the proposal is one which no doubt they wish to take time to study. If, however, they have the genuine desire of peace which they indicated at Geneva, then I feel confident that positive results will come from President Eisenhower's proposal.

The Western powers also brought to the fore the problem of German reunification. This now is very much a matter of practical international statesmanship. German reunification is in the air and I am convinced that it will come about, not immediately, but surely. Of course, we recognized that it will come about more easily within a framework of European security. So the Western powers accepted the Soviet request that European security be studied. In that connection we put forward a series of practical suggestions which will come before the October Foreign Ministers Conference. These can give the Soviet Union assurance that German reunification, far from endangering the Soviet Union, can take place under conditions which will provide safety to all.

We had occasion to bring home to the Soviet rulers the importance which the United States Government and people attach to the right of the satellite nations to have governments of their own choosing. Also we made clear our grave objection to the revolutionary and subversive activities of international Communism. We obtained no assurance, but we hope that developments will in fact tend to eliminate these causes of tension.

The Conference in no way weakened the close ties and unity of purpose which exist between the three Western powers which were present at Geneva. On the contrary, their unity emerges stronger than ever from this new testing to which it was subjected.

The Conference did not press national viewpoints to a point where there would have been a breakdown, which would have dimmed the hopes of future peace. On the other hand, the Conference avoided the equal danger of creating an illusion that all was now so well that we could safely relax our efforts to build individual and collective self-defense.

President Eisenhower played a great role at this Conference, one of which our nation can always be proud. Also the people of the United States can themselves take pride in the contribution of each to an unprecedented peacetime demonstration of spiritual unity behind our determination to make peace both just and durable.

In looking to the future we must not forget the sequence of events that brought us where we are today. The free world has been strong and unified. It must remain so for the long arduous months ahead. in which we must expect disappointments as well as cherish hopes. There are certainly opportunities for the free world in the present

1 Proposal of July 21, 1955; infra, pp. 2841–2843.

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situation, but there are also possible hazards. The task of statesmanlike diplomacy is to realize to the full the opportunities while avoiding the hazards.

F. DISCUSSION OF SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS AT THE GENEVA MEETING OF FOREIGN MINISTERS, OCTOBER 27-NOVEMBER 16, 1955

43. PROPOSAL SUBMITTED BY THE FOREIGN MINISTERS OF THE UNITED STATES, THE UNITED KINGDOM, AND FRANCE, OCTOBER 31, 1955 1

2

Development of East-West Contacts

The Foreign Ministers of Great Britain, France, and the United States, mindful of the Directive issued at Geneva by the Heads of Government, express their desire to explore, together with the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, measures designed to bring about a progressive elimination of barriers which interfere with free communications and with peaceful trade between peoples and to bring about such freer contacts and exchanges as are to the mutual advantage of the countries and peoples concerned.

The three Ministers wish to point out that their Governments have consistently favored free communication of information and ideas, free exchange of persons, and the development of peaceful trade, as constructive means of promoting an atmosphere of confidence among states and a better understanding among peoples. Their Governments have always sought to foster free expression of thought, to promote the free development of individual conscience, and to encourage, through a free competition of ideas, the development of objective opinion. The three Western Governments are confident that a constructive development of contacts with the Soviet Union together with the progressive resolution of those substantive issues which constitute the true causes of international tension, can contribute to the establishment of the durable peace desired by all mankind.

It is the view of the Western Powers that the four Governments must contribute actively to the establishment of a better understanding between the peoples of the West and the peoples of Eastern Europe. It is hoped that future contacts will expand in such a way as to correspond to the natural desire of men to understand each other and to search for that which unites them. For their own part the three

The Geneva Meeting of Foreign Ministers, October 27-November 16, 1955 (Department of State publication 6156; 1955), pp. 245–248. The proposal was submitted by the French delegation.

2 Directive of July 23, 1955; supra, doc. 41.

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