to the vision of his party the Radicals of the late elections in their most odious light, and he demonstrated to the satisfaction of the majority that the composition of the new Government meant concession to a power hostile to society. The connexion of the Radical chiefs with the Paris Commune, and the tendency of the multitude to justify or look with lenity on the crimes of that usurpation, were dwelt upon with telling effect. The Duke, while disclaiming hostility to the President, declared that the Right was resolved to use the power it possessed in the Assembly to enforce its policy and to save the country. The chief feature of the speech of M. Dufaure was his declaration that the Government was unanimous in holding that the time had come when the Republic must be acknowledged. He frankly stated that this conviction had been forced upon them by the Paris election. M. de Rémusat, a distinguished man of the highest character and great official position, had been defeated by a provincial ex-mayor, utterly unknown in the capital, because the electors were impatient of the provisional system, and desired to express their distrust of the Monarchical parties. The Right had complained that M. de Goulard, its representative in the Cabinet of M. Thiers, had been compelled to resign, as a counterpoise to the sacrifice of M. Jules Simon; but M. de Goulard, however Conservative he might be, was yet Republican, inasmuch as he had agreed with his colleagues in recognizing the necessity of the Republic, and the fitness of at once acknowledging it. On the following day, May 24th, at half-past nine in the morning, the President of the Republic himself ascended the Tribune. He spoke for two hours without interruption. He vindicated his Government from having been one of party, and expounded the benefits it had conferred on the country in promoting internal reorganization and advancing the liberation of the territory. The difficulty of dealing with conflicting elements had led to his being accused of a double-faced policy; but this charge he indignantly repudiated. The Monarchists might be a majority in the Assembly, but they were not so in the country; and their rule, or that of any other Government than a consolidated Republic, was impossible. The only alternative, he declared, to that wise Conservatism which had known how to steer its course between the two extremes would be a Dictatorship -and he concluded with bitter personal emphasis against the Duc de Broglie, whose father, as well as himself once, had been a noted doctrinaire of the Liberal school: "If we were reproached yesterday with making ourselves the protégés of Radicalism, I can return the compliment to him who said it; he, too, will be a protégé: he will be under a 'protection' which a former Duc de Broglie would have rejected with horror-he will be the protégé of the Empire!"

At two o'clock the Assembly resumed its sitting. The efficacy of the new provision, by which an interval was to elapse between the speech of the President and the continuation of the debate in his absence, was signally proved on this first occasion of its application. The two hours that had passed had allowed the momentary

influence of the speaker to subside, while no reinforcement of sentiment from the capital had had time to reach him. The Right felt themselves in possession of a field from which their most dreaded adversary was exiled, and they made the most of their opportunity. M. Casimir Périer attempted in vain to shake their resolution by appealing to their patriotism as well as to their reason. He assured the Assembly that he was a Conservative; and complained that the new Government was on the point of being condemned without a hearing, and before they had had time to sign a single decree. His speech was loudly cheered by the Left. Next rose M. Ernoul with his Order of the Day, to the effect that the recent changes in the Cabinet were not sufficiently Conservative. Then came the decisive blow. M. Target, on behalf of himself and ten members of the Left Centre, hitherto faithful followers of Thiers, announced the intention of voting with M. Ernoul. The result was that the Order of the Day, "pure and simple," which the Government were willing to accept, was rejected by 362 to 348, and an Order drawn up by M. Ernoul on behalf of the Right was immediately afterwards adopted by 360 to 344-a double defeat being thus inflicted in a few minutes upon the President and his colleagues. M. Baragnon, a Deputy of the Right, at once called upon the Government to declare their intentions, and proposed an evening sitting. In spite of noisy protests from the Left, M. Dufaure accepted the challenge, and a sitting at eight o'clock was ordered. When that hour came all had been arranged. M. Dufaure announced the resignation of the Ministers, and then handed to the President of the Chamber a letter from the President of the Republic himself, announcing that he delivered back to the Assembly the high functions which it had conferred upon him. A motion refusing to receive the resignation of M. Thiers was rejected by 368 votes against 339, and the resignation was accepted. M. Buffet attempted in vain to pronounce a eulogium on the late Chief of the State; and, after a scene of the greatest disorder, a vote was taken that Marshal MacMahon should be invited to accept the Presidency. Only 392 Deputies voted, and of these two only disapproved the motion. M. Buffet then proposed that he and his Vice-Presidents should wait upon the Marshal to inform him of the vote, and, the suggestion being sanctioned, he ceded the Chair during his absence to M. de Goulard, only one week since the colleague of M. Thiers, who was enthusiastically applauded by the Right as he took the place. The Marshal, who was found in company with M. Thiers, at first hesitated to accept the dignity which he had never shown himself forward to seek. He reminded M. Thiers that he had repeatedly, in the course of their frequent and friendly intercourse, volunteered the pledge that he would never supersede him. M. Thiers reminded him, in turn, that he had never uttered a word which could be construed as an acceptance of that pledge. Finally, when M. Buffet appealed to his patriotism, MacMahon yielded, and before night sent to the Assembly a letter formally accepting the trust imposed upon him. The letter ran thus:

"Gentlemen, I obey the will of the Assembly, the depositary of the national Sovereignty, and accept the functions of President of the Republic. A heavy responsibility is thrust upon my patriotism; but with the aid of God and the devotion of the army, which will always be an army of the law and the supporter of all honest men, we will continue together the work of liberating the territory, and restoring moral order throughout the country; we will maintain internal peace, and the principles upon which society rests. That this shall be the case I pledge my word as an honest man and a soldier."

The Revolution of May 24th was effected with a celerity which took the victorious party itself by surprise. When the battle opened on the 23rd, they still believed Thiers' position to be too secure in the approbation of the country at large to make any attempt tɔ unseat him either successful or wise. They only professed to aim at the Ministry he had just reconstructed, and to force him to act with one which should be a faithful organ of the majority in the Assembly. So the Ducs Decazes and D'Audiffret Pasquier expressly declared at a meeting of the Right Centre held five days previously; and when they informed the Duc d'Aumale of their intention, the Orleans Prince replied, "I shall vote with you against the Ministry, but not against M. Thiers." But when the crisis of the fight arrived, it was found that the President placed himself in front of his Ministry, and refused to let the adverse vote strike them over his own head. It was too late to retreat, even had the assailants desired to do so. Then they beat up for recruits. Then it was that Target

and his force of the Left Centre turned the scale. Just before the last moment, however, all had seemed likely to be compromised. On Thursday the 22nd, foreseeing that a division might actually be the cause of M. Thiers' fall, some delegates from the Right Centre called on the Duc d'Aumale, and asked him whether, if M. Thiers fell, the Duke would accept the Presidency. After some hesitation the Duke accepted the part imposed upon him as a duty. This acceptance was near imperilling everything. The Bonapartists and Legitimists repelled the idea of the Presidency of an Orleans Prince; and the alliance would have been broken before the battle began had not the Duke, on hearing how matters stood, exclaimed, "I do not wish my name to be a source of discord among the Conservatives;" and, after withdrawing, pledged himself to vote and make his friends vote with the rest of the party.

With the exception of some shouts for Thiers in Versailles, and the cry of "à bas les Monarchistes" when the Deputies returned to Paris after their day's work, the change of Government, abrupt and unexpected as it was, passed off without disturbance or outward marks of excitement. The Bourse anticipated in MacMahon the "saviour of society," and greeted his sway with rising quotations. The consignment of troops and patrols in the capital proved superfluous. Gambetta, in the République Française, had given out the watchword for the Radicals: hard as it might be, he said it was

requisite to recognize and proclaim the necessity of remaining within the limits of legal action.

Meantime the defeated statesman maintained a calm demeanour. To some friends who were waiting for him at dinner on the day of his resignation he said, "I fall with my flag in my hand, after having rendered some service, and I give up my place à ceux qui vont se lancer dans les aventures d'une situation extrêmement grave. Je reprendrai ma place à l'Assemblée. Je tiens surtout au mandat qui me vient de la nation."

CHAPTER II.

New Government-Marshal MacMahon-Interpellation on Circular to PrefectsProsecution of M. Ranc-Funeral of M. Brousses-Constitutional Bills-Interpellation by M. Jules Favre-Church on Montmartre-Commercial Treaty with England -Termination of the Session-Visit of the Shah-M. Ranc-Evacuation of France by the Germans-Visit of the Comte de Paris to Frohsdorf-Clerical reactionPilgrimages-Paray-le-Monial-Restoration Project-Negotiation with the Comte de Chambord-Politics of the Left-Provincial Elections-Letter of Comte de Chambord to M. Chesnelong-Meeting of the Assembly-Changarnier's proposition for ten years' prolongation of Presidential powers-Committee's Report-Presidential Message-Debate on the seven years' prolongation, and victory of GovernmentMinistry remodelled-Interpellation by M. Léon Say-New Committee of ThirtyBill for appointment of Mayors-"State of Siege "-Provincial Elections-Budget of M. Magne-Trial of Marshal Bazaine-M. Thiers.

ON Monday, the 26th of May, the Duc de Broglie read before the National Assembly the following Message from the new President of the Republic:

"Called to the Presidency by the National Assembly, I have exercised my power by choosing a Ministry taken from your ranks. I am animated by a sentiment of respect for your wishes, and a desire always scrupulously to execute them. I believe the majority invariably constitutes the law in a parliamentary régime, and this is still more the case in the present instance, where, by virtue of the existing laws, the First Magistrate of the Republic is the delegate of the Assembly and the delegate of the law. The Assembly had two great tasks to fulfil, the liberation of the territory and the restoration of order in a state of society disturbed by the spirit of revolution. The first of these objects has been pursued amid the unanimity of the national representatives. We can say with truth the redemption of our territory has met with no opponent. It would have been impossible to accomplish it if the country had not lent itself to the task with heroic patience, and it has been ably conducted by a man from whom a disagreement on questions of home policy alone could induce you to separate. I rely upon you to complete this task. The excellent relations which the former Government had established with foreign Powers lead us to adopt

the same line of conduct. We desire the maintenance of peace and the reorganization of the army, which we shall actively persevere in effecting, animated only by a legitimate desire to repair the strength and retain the rank which belong to France. The home policy of the Government will be imbued with a character of social Conservatism. All the laws you have voted possess that characteristic. The Government is resolutely Conservative. We have numerous laws to enact. The bills on the reorganization of the army and municipalities and educational reform are drawn up, and I believe I have selected Ministers who are competent to discuss them. You will discuss the bills which you instructed our predecessor to submit to you and those already before you, and the Government will examine them and give you the result of their careful consideration. But previously to that the Government must act, and must introduce into and impress upon the Administration the spirit of Conservatism, and cause the laws to be respected by appointing agents who will make them respected and themselves respect them. The Government will not fail in this duty, and will defend society against all factions. The post in which you have placed me is that of a sentinel who has to watch over the integrity of your sovereign power."

The Ministry had been announced as follows:-The Duc de Broglie, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Vice-President of the Council; M. Ernoul, Minister of Justice; M. Beulé, of the Interior; M. Magne, of Finance; General Cissey, of War, ad interim; MM. Dompierre d'Hornoy, Batbie, Deseilligny, De la Bouillerie, and Pascal, to other posts. Though ostensibly a coalition ministry, composing a Bonapartist representation, the reactionist and "clerical" character of the new Cabinet was not to be mistaken. It was recognized on all sides that the political pilot of the State vessel was the Duc de Broglie, a Constitutional Monarchist by his antecedents, but disposed, as it now seemed, to go nearly the length of the Extreme Right. Marshal MacMahon had truly described his own position as that of a sentinel who had to keep watch and ward over the integrity of the sovereign power claimed by the Assembly. Whatever the majority of the Assembly might decide, that was rightfully law; and the Marshal-President, holding command over the army, was to see that the orders of the majority were carried out; consequently that now, while that majority was distinctly a Conservative one, no Radical counterplots and intrigues should thwart its policy. Marshal MacMahon, Duke of Magenta, was sixty-five years of age. A soldier of the Empire, he had never given his mind to political matters: but his character as a trustworthy officer and man of honour, above temptation and above corruption, had won him confidence from all who had needed his services in the late troublous times.

That the Conservative party did not intend their present triumph to pass into inaction was manifest within a very few days of their accession to power, first by the dismissal of some twenty Depart