the Bill had some dramatic features. He admitted that it had suffered a catastrophe; on its introduction all "the waiters on Providence" in London were in favour of it; now not an individual of the species had a word to say for it. But now the question was, shall the House go into Committee on the Bill? In deciding that, the House ought to have no other motive but to endeavour to do that now which a few years hence it would regret that it had not done. In examining the reasons given why the House should not go into Committee, Mr. Gladstone denied that the Bill would lower the standard of education, urging that the London University-a mere examining body-had certainly raised education. The opposition in Ireland had been exaggerated and misrepresented, but in dealing with a measure like this it would be impolitic and unparliamentary on that account to withdraw the Bill before it had been considered in Committee. The general effect of Mr. Cardwell's speech he entirely endorsed, that the House should go into Committee to compare opinions on all the divergencies of views which had been expressed; and he retorted on Mr. Disraeli that the experience of his Reform Bill showed how effective an instrument Committee may be for transforming a Bill. On two of these points-the banishment of ethics and modern history from the curriculum and the introduction of collegiate members into the Council-Mr. Gladstone stated distinctly that he would not adhere to them, and, with regard to the others, he said generally that the Government would not stand on its dignity, but would meet the House on equal terms. It would welcome any amendments which were improvements, and even those which were not improvements they would accept if the House should desire, so long as they did not impair the vitality of the Bill. Answering the question so often raised-what is the vital principle of the Bill?-Mr. Gladstone said there must be a complete removal of the admitted religious grievance by opening degrees under an impartial and unsectarian authority to men of all opinions, whether educated under the mixed or separate system. The University must be relieved from the monopoly of Trinity College, and must have an independent Governing Body and a competent endowment; and the Faculty of Theology must be separated from it. After some observations in condemnation of the principle of concurrent endowment, which gave him the opportunity of placing on record his belief that it would be a serious error to give the slightest encouragement to a system of separate endowment in Ireland (reversing the policy of 1869), Mr. Gladstone earnestly entreated the House to meet the threatened agitation by removing the grievance rather than follow Mr. Disraeli's alternative of withdrawing from the task. "The right hon. gentleman opposite (said Mr. Gladstone) told us that he was not anxious to lead what my hon. friend the member for Waterford would describe as his 'ragamuffins' into their present position. He does not wish, he says, to make this a party question. Might I be allowed to fill up the sentence for him by saying that the Irish members almost forced him to do so by

inviting him to their embraces, and that he found himself unable to resist the opportunity? (A laugh.) And what, let me ask, is the character of the division which we are about to witness?—a division which will be watched and examined-(loud cheers from the Opposition benches)-a division which will not only be watched and examined, but which will be remembered and be judged. (Renewed Opposition cheers.) The party which is called the Tory party, the Conservative party, the Church party, the Protestant party, powerful as it is in this House, is not powerful enough to give effect to its wishes by a majority. But there is a hope that, by the accession of those who think we commit a gross injustice by declining to give a separate religious endowment to the Roman Catholics, their minority may be converted into a majority. No doubt there would be concord in the lobby for a few moments, but that concord would end when the tellers come to the table. On what plan of action have you decided? No doubt you will be a formidable body; for all I know, you will be a majority. I see before me a party expectant of office. (Oh, oh!) I mean, of course, by virtue of its position. That is a fair description always to apply to gentlemen who sit in combination on the Opposition benches. I see that party with that repentant rebel from below the gangway, the hon. member for Norfolk (Mr. Bentinck)-(laughter)-an old, inveterate rebel, believed to be incurable, but at last reclaimed. (Renewed laughter.) I always listen to that hon. gentleman with interest. I am no favourite of his. I trust, however, there is no unkind feeling between us, and, indeed, whenever I hear the hon. gentleman begin a course of censure upon myself, I listen with great patience, because I know it will be followed by a much more severe attack upon the right hon. gentleman opposite. (Laughter.) On this occasion the hon, member for Norfolk-the 'right' hon. member for Norfolk he may be in a few weeks-(a laugh)-had made a revelation. I heard him say that he had listened with the utmost pleasure to his right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Hardy) on the last night of the debate, for he understood him to say that he and those with whom he acted would, under no circumstances, accept office during the existence of the present Parliament-(cheers from the Opposition)-that he looked upon it as the most fortunate and most statesmanlike announcement that had emanated from the front bench on his side of the house for many years—(laughter)—and after it he had no- hesitation in saying that he would vote against the second reading.' (Cheers.) Well, sir, was that announcement made? I heard the speech of the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford. I did not hear that announcement— none of us heard that announcement. It is impossible that the gentlemen who occupy the front bench of Opposition, who form her Majesty's Opposition, who bring up their whole forces to overthrow the measure of the Government, can decline the responsibility of taking office. (Cheers.) I believe it is impossible that such an announcement can have been made, and if it has been made, the hon.

gentleman is the victim of his own simplicity in acting upon it. (A laugh.) What is the state of the case as regards the hon. gentleman? What is to be the policy that is to follow the rejection of the Bill? What is to be the policy adopted in Ireland? Perhaps the Bill of my hon. friend the member for Brighton will find favour, which leaves the University of Dublin in the hands of Trinity College, and which I presume, if passed, will only be the harbinger of an agitation different from that which would follow the passing of the present Bill. It will still leave the Roman Catholic in this condition, that he will not be able to get a degree in Ireland without going either to the Queen's Colleges, to which he objects, or to examinations and a system of discipline managed and conducted by a Protestant board-a board of eight gentlemen, of whom six are Protestants. The other alternative will be the adopting for Ireland a set of new principles, which Parliament has disclaimed for England, not only treating the Roman Catholic majority in Ireland as being the Irish nation, but likewise adopting for that Irish nation the principles which we have ourselves overthrown even within the limits of our own generation. I know not with what satisfaction we can look forward to these prospects. It is rather a dangerous course to tamper with objects of this kind. We have got our plan, for which we are responsible. We are not afraid, I am not afraid, of the charge of my right hon. friend, that we have served the priests. I am ready to serve the priests or any other man as far as justice dictates. [Mr. Horsman-I did not say so.'] I am glad to hear it. I am not ready to go an inch further for them or for any other man-(cheers)—and if the labours of 1869 and 1870 are to be teminated-if where we have earnestly sought and toiled for peace we find only contention-if our tenders of relief are thrust aside with scorn-let us still remember that there is a voice which is not heard in the crackling of the fire or in the roaring of the whirlwind or the storm-the still, small voice of justice, which is heard after they have passed away. To mete out justice to Ireland, according to the best view that with human infirmity we could form, has been the work, I will almost say the sacred work, of this Parliament. (No, no,' and cheers.) Having put our hand to the plough, let us not turn back. Let not what we think the fault or the perverseness of those whom we are attempting to assist have the slightest effect in turning us from the path on which we have entered. As we have begun, so let us go through, and with firm and resolute hand let us efface from the law and the practice of the country the last-I believe it is the last-of the religious and social grievances of Ireland." (Loud and prolonged cheering.)

Precisely at two o'clock the Premier concluded an address which he had commenced at midnight, and the House divided on the question that the Bill be read a second time. The counting of votes occupied about twenty minutes; and when Colonel Taylor, the Opposition teller, took the paper from the hands of the clerk at the table, a tremendous "Hurrah!" burst from the Conservative

benches, which was repeated again and again when the numbers were read out as follows:

Majority against the Government

Mr. Gladstone had already declared that his Ministry would stand or fall by the result of this division, and, accordingly, he immediately placed his resignation in the hands of the Queen, to the bewilderment of the country, which had troubled itself very little indeed about the precise merits of the debate or the nature of the points at issue. This Ministerial crisis, however, proved to be a mere flash in the pan. The public suspense continued for a week, during which time various rumours were current. Among other things it was rumoured, perhaps on doubtful authority, that Mr. Gladstone wished to appeal to the constituencies; in that case, his colleagues were well advised in inducing him to reconsider his decision. There is no doubt that, having adopted the alternative plan of resigning, he was sincerely anxious to transfer the reins of Government to the Opposition. When Mr. Disraeli prudently and properly declined to take office with a minority, at a time when a dissolution must have been postponed for some months, Mr. Gladstone took the singular course of addressing to his rival, in the form of a letter to the Queen, an argument intended to prove that Mr. Disraeli was bound to form a Government. However, it was definitely announced, at length, that the Opposition declined to take the reins of Government; and, after a few days further adjournment, this chapter of political history was closed on the 20th March by the Ministers resuming their places on the Treasury Bench. In a crowded House, Mr. Gladstone rose and said he was now in a position to state that he and his colleagues had resumed their positions, and were prepared as a Government to carry on the affairs of the country as before. Referring to the curiosity expressed in many quarters to learn what had passed between Thursday evening, when Mr. Disraeli declined to form a Government, and Sunday night, when he himself found it necessary to place his services at her Majesty's disposal, Mr. Gladstone proceeded to give the House a chronological account of the transactions between those two dates. "On Friday morning (says the Premier) I received from her Majesty, in writing, the reply that had been submitted to her Majesty by the right hon. gentleman, and her Majesty was pleased to ask my advice thereupon. On my first examination of that reply, I doubted whether I could collect its effect with all the precision necessary before tendering advice, and therefore I answered her Majesty's reference to the fact that I did not feel quite certain as to the purport of that reply. On Friday evening I received a communication from her Majesty, which completely put an end to all doubt, and satisfied me that the reply was an unconditional refusal on the part of the right hon. gentleman to take office. I then felt it my duty to submit a statement, the

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nature of which I shall presently refer to. That statement was submitted on Saturday morning, and was made known to the right hon. gentleman opposite. Her Majesty received the reply of the right hon. gentleman at Windsor on the evening of Sunday, and at ten o'clock on Sunday night her Majesty transmitted her reply to me, together with an inquiry as to whether I was prepared to resume my office in the Government. Having read that reply, I deemed its nature to be perfectly unequivocal, and it removed from my mind the last vestige of expectation that a Government might be formed by the party opposite, and, therefore, without delay, on the same evening I returned an answer to her Majesty, to the effect that I should endeavour to arrange the reconstruction of the Government, and that task which I undertook on Monday last is now complete." (Loud cheers.) Mr. Gladstone next referred to a difference of opinion which had arisen between himself and Mr. Disraeli as to the duties of an Opposition when it had brought about the fall of a Government; and in explanation read an extract from the statement which he had submitted to her Majesty on Saturday last, the substantial effect of which was that the nation should be constantly kept aware of the Parliamentary action likely to take place on the overthrow of a Government. The consideration of such matters required the utmost care, counsel, and deliberation, and to the parties concerned were attended with serious responsibilities. "Mr. Gladstone (it ran on) does not and will not suppose that the efforts of the Opposition to defeat the Government on Wednesday morning were made with a previously-formed intention on their part to refuse any aid to your Majesty, if the need should come of providing for the government of the country, and the summary refusal, which is the only fact before you, he takes to be not in full correspondence either with the exigencies of the case or, as he has shown, with Parliamentary usage. In humbly submitting this representation to your Majesty, Mr. Gladstone wishes to point out the difficulty in which he would find himself placed were he to ask whether his colleagues were prepared to resume office if your Majesty should call on them to do so; for certainly he is persuaded they would call on him, out of consideration for their own honour and the usefulness of their future services, if he should be enabled to do so, to prove to them that, according to constitutional usage, every means had been exhausted on the part of the Opposition for providing for the government of the country, or, at least, that nothing more was to be expected from that quarter." Adverting then to the delay which had occurred, Mr. Gladstone said he was not conscious of its being due to any personal reluctance to resume office, although he did feel it, and thought he had earned a right to rest, so far as it could be earned by labour. But the experience of a Government's resuming office was not encouraging, and what had occurred, he feared, would modify the relations of the Opposition and the Government in a manner not likely to contribute to the satisfactory working of our Parliamentary system. "Such (said Mr. Gladstone, in conclusion) are my views, and in