Board, the real question of education seems hardly ever thought of. It is a squabble between church and chapel and secularist, and I do not know how many else. When the School Board meets, there are the priest, the parson, and the minister, and their partisans; but there is no free breeze of public opinion passing through them. It is rather an unwholesome atmosphere of what I would call sectarian exclusiveness, and sometimes of bigotry, in which nothing can thrive. Now with regard to one or two points which have been much discussed, particularly that point of the 25th clause. Whatever is said about it in the country, I believe that there are many worthy and honourable men of the opposite side of the House to that on which I sit who would be very glad to have some arrangement come to with regard to that clause, because, so long as this remains a matter of dispute, it is obvious that whatever good can be got out of what I call an insufficient measure, and therefore one not calculated to yield much good, it is desirable for every party that something more like harmony should be introduced into the public action in the great education question; and therefore, expressing only my own opinion, I say that I believe there is a mode and a simple and a just mode-by which everything may be done (and, if done, doing harm to nobody) that is now proposed to be done under the 25th clause-and it is the repeal of the clause. But, with regard to the great question which lies behind it, of whether we are on the right track of good sound education for our children under the denominational system or not, that must be left to further proof, for I admit that multitudes differ with me and with you; but I cannot but believe that further experience and something like failure will before long force upon Parliament and the country a general reconsideration of the question."

After a defence of the Government in reference to the Ashantee War and the Alabama matter, Mr. Bright continued: "Looking at the past, whom should you trust? I am not about to compare rival Ministers. I shall not certainly compare the First Minister, the leader of the present administration, with the writer of the Bath letter (Mr. Disraeli). I would rather compare parties than rival ministries. Suppose now next year, when we have a general election, that the result throughout the United Kingdom should be to continue a large majority of the Liberal party, what will be the result?-should be? Why, during the currency of the coming Parliament another chapter of great and noble measures will be added to the Parliamentary history of the time. Our policy is known. Not every particular measure, not every particular clause, but I mean that the policy of the Liberal party is known, it is before the public, it is not concealed, it is no mystery. But what is the policy of the Opposition? Why, we were told the other day that the leader of the Opposition was in a state of strict seclusion.' And but for that strange and unfortunate epistolary outburst we should have had no idea of the desperate state of mind in which he has been. But still, if we ask for the policy of the Opposition, all

is dark, dark, impenetrably dark, and all that we know is that nothing can be known. I beg pardon, though, I am wrong in that. We know that according to the Opposition all the work of the past five years, and if you like, of the past forty years, is evil; but as to the future, you will see it when it comes. Now, let me tell you this, that that great statesmanship which consists in silence and secrecy is not original, it is a mere copy of thirty or forty years ago. I recollect the time very well; there was a great fever and mania of speculation, and everybody went into everything. They generally came out with nothing. I recollect quite well the advertisement of a great Sunflower Company; and if anybody had proposed so unsubstantial a speculation as the equinoctial line, people would have taken shares in that. Now, at that time there was a very ingenious fellow; if I could remember his name I would immortalize him. He was a very ingenious fellow, and he put out a prospectus. He was what they call a promoter of a great company, which was to have great capital, and a great number of shares, and great profits. All this was to work a great invention-everything was great about it but what it was was a great secret; indeed, it was so profound a secret that until all the money was paid in nobody was to know what it was. Now, that is the Conservative policy at this moment. They have a policy which they offer for the coming elections, but it is a profound secret. When you have all given your votes and returned a Conservative majority, perhaps they will tell you what it is."

After referring to a remark made by the Emperor Napoleon to Mr. Cobden, that "in England you make reforms, in France we make revolutions," Mr. Bright concluded as follows:-"I believe that there is not a thoughtful statesman in any civilized country in the world who would not join with the Emperor in expressing his admiration of the manner in which the people of this country for the last forty years have worked out such substantial reforms in our legislation; and our own experience brings us to the same conclusion. Those men are in error who tell you nothing has been done. Those men are not less in error who say that what has been done is evil, and that it is evil to do any more. What you should do is to act upon the principles and the rules of past years, steadily advancing in favour of questions which the public has thoroughly discussed, which it thoroughly comprehends, and which Parliament can honestly and conscientiously put into law. For my share, looking back for these forty years, I feel some sense of content; but it does not in the least degree lessen, it rather adds to and strengthens, my hope for the future. The history of the last forty years of this country-judge it fairly-speak of its legislation, which is mainly a history of the conquests of freedom. It will be a grand volume that tells the story; and your name and mine, if I mistake not, will be found on some of its pages. For me the final chapter is now writing. It may be already written. But for you,

this great constituency, there is a perpetual youth and a perpetual

future. I pray Heaven that in the years to come, and when my voice is hushed, you may be granted strength, and moderation, and wisdom to influence the councils of your country by righteous means to none other than to noble and to righteous ends."

No changes, however, are apparently able to turn the popular tide in favour of the Government, who, during the whole of the year, as in those that preceded it, suffered repeated defeats at the poll.

The following list shows the number of seats held by members of the administration which the Government has lost since the general election.

November, 1869.-Glasgow University.-Mr. Gordon (Conservative) returned, vice Lord Advocate Moncrieff, appointed Lord Justice Clerk.

February, 1870.-Southwark.-Colonel Beresford (Conservative) returned, vice Right Hon. H. A. Layard, First Commissioner of Works, appointed Ambassador to Madrid.

April, 1871.-Durham City.-Mr. Wharton (Conservative) returned, vice Right Hon. J. R. Davidson, Judge Advocate, deceased. September, 1871.-Truro.-Colonel Hogg (Conservative) returned, vice Hon. J. C. Vivian, appointed Permanent instead of Political Under-Secretary for War.

November, 1871.-Plymouth.-Mr. Bates (Conservative) returned, vice Sir R. P. Collier, Attorney-General, appointed a Judge. November, 1872.-Londonderry.-Mr. C. E. Lewis (Conservative) returned, vice Mr. Dowse, Irish Solicitor-General, appointed an Irish Judge.

August, 1873.-Shaftesbury.-Mr. Fane Bennett (Conservative) returned, vice Hon. G. G. Glyn, Political Secretary of the Treasury, on becoming Lord Wolverton.

September, 1873.-Renfrewshire.-Colonel Campbell (Conservative) returned, vice Right Hon. H. A. Bruce, Home Secretary, created Lord Aberdare.

September, 1873.-Dover.-Mr. Barnett (Conservative) returned, vice Sir G. Jessel, Solicitor-General, appointed Master of the Rolls.

Besides their losses, Hull, Greenwich, Dundee, East Staffordshire, Exeter, and Huntingdon returned Conservatives in the course of the present year; the vacancies filled having in most instances been created by Liberal members. Against this current of failure the Liberals had only to set victories at Bath and Taunton; and in neither of these places could they count a seat gained. The return of Captain Hayter, at Bath, was partly due to an extraordinary proceeding on the part of the Conservative chief, who alienated many, even of his cwn party, by addressing, in the heat of the election, the following extraordinary letter to Lord Grey de Wilton, who had expressed to him his confidence in another Conservative success :—

"My dear Grey,-I am much obliged to you for your Bath news. It is most interesting. It is rare a constituency has the opportunity

of not only leading but sustaining public opinion at a critical period. That has been the high fortune of the people of Bath, and they have proved themselves worthy of it by the spirit and constancy they have shown. I cannot doubt they will continue their patriotic course by supporting Mr. Forsyth, an able and accomplished man, who will do honour to those who send him to Parliament. For nearly five years the present Ministers have harassed every trade, worried every profession, and assailed or menaced every class, institution, and species of property in the country. Occasionally they have varied this state of civil warfare by perpetrating some job which outraged public opinion, or by stumbling into mistakes which have been always discreditable, and sometimes ruinous. All this they call a policy, and seem quite proud of it; but the country has, I think, made up its mind to close this career of plundering and blundering.-Ever yours sincerely, B. DISRAELI.”

The spirit and tone of this letter call for no comment, as it carried with it its own condemnation and its own punishment. The Conservatives committed another great mistake in opposing the re-election of Sir Henry James at Taunton, on his appointment as Solicitor (afterwards Attorney) General; breaking, in so doing, the recognized rule of courtesy by which a public man in his position, of whatever party, is left undisturbed in the possession of honour and distinction deservedly won-never more deservedly than in the present case. Nor did the conduct of the election make things better; for while the admirable tact and temper displayed throughout the contest by Sir Henry James placed him higher than ever in general opinion, the tactics of his opponents were marked by characteristics so directly opposite as to meet with great reprobation from the best men even of their own party. He carried his election, and the next step in a proceeding consistent throughout was to lodge a petition against his return, which was pending when the year closed.

The boldest defence of the much-blamed policy of the Government was undertaken by Mr. Lowe, at the Cutlers' Feast, at Sheffield. "When," said he, "nearly five years ago her Majesty's Government took office, they came to a resolution that they would not be mere drawers of salary and distributors of patronage; but that, if they remained in office at all, they would make their tenure of power memorable in the history of this country. They took a survey of different political questions, and they came to resolutions the most daring, perhaps I will not say the most extravagant-that any set of middle-aged and elderly gentlemen had ever before arrived at. (Laughter.) They determined they would solve, if they were soluble by their means, and by the aid of the majority which had brought them into power, the leading difficulties that beset the path of the politician; that they would shrink from no difficulty, they would avoid no unpopularity or obloquy, but would grapple with, and, if possible, surmount all the leading difficulties then seen on the political horizon. Their programme was an audacious, almost

an extravagant programme; but the strangest part of it was that, with the exception of higher education in Ireland, they had realized the whole of it. Every single thing they had undertaken to do, to his surprise, and no doubt their infinite astonishment, they had realized it all within the past five years. It appeared to him a mere dream when he paused and looked back at it; but they had done all the things they had set their heart upon, and they believed they had done their duty by the country. But, on the other hand, he was bound to say that, although they had done this work, they had not received that reward which they had expected to receive. (Laughter.) He did not try to cast blame on any one. No doubt there were many reasons which might account for it. such a thing as sameness. People got weary of seeing the same people in the same places for a long time, though by a recent shuffle of the cards, perhaps that had been obviated a little." (A laugh.)

There was

Referring to himself, Mr. Lowe said he had, as they were aware, within the last two or three months been the object of about as much written and spoken abuse as ever had been showered on one man, and he had had no opportunity of making any explanation. In the programme to which he had referred two parts had been allotted to him. One was the introduction of competition in the civil service that had been done as they knew; the other was to enforce economy. They were aware that the duty of the Treasury was to enforce economy, and it was its privilege to make things as disagreeable as possible to the great spending departments in enforcing that economy. When he succeeded to that office he took a step which at once brought him into notice. It was no doubt true he did not feel within himself any of that admirable genius for finance which they had seen in Mr. Pitt, Sir Robert Peel, and Mr. Gladstone. He knew himself too well that he had none of that power, but he had read in the Latin Grammar that economy was a great revenue. He felt that the task of watching over the revenue was open to him, and to that task he devoted himself. The first thing he did was to issue an order to the Treasury that no new expenditure would be allowed without his opinion being taken upon it. (Cheers and laughter.) That was not so before. It was supposed that it was only the duty of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to busy himself with matters of high finance, leaving questions of expenditure to be dealt with by an inferior official, called the Secretary of the Treasury. Now, it appeared to him that that arrangement was a very bad one for the public service, and he resolved that it should not exist any longer; but great pressure was brought to bear upon him. There was the pressure of deputations, and, worse still, of the House of Commons, which, instead of protecting the revenue, was its most powerful assailant. He thought, if the Government really was in earnest, he would not be doing what was right if he left the expenditure without protection in the hands of an official of inferior rank, who had not the weight of a Cabinet Minister. Such a person as the Secretary of