thought proper; but Government did not think that, under all the circumstances of the case, it would have been expedient for England to go to war with the emperor of Russia. The mere fact of this country being a party to the Treaty of Vienna, was not as synonymous with our guaranteeing that there would be no infraction of that treaty by Russia. He must repeat, that while there must be a feeling of sympathy in every heart in favour of the unfortunate Poles, Government could not hold out any hope of extending pecuniary relief to them.

Mr. O'Connell had heard the speech of the noble Lord with surprise and regret. The noble Lord had said, that to grant relief to the Poles would be against precedent. It would not be against prece

of the Crown. He (Lord Palmerston) was not at liberty to hold out any hope to the gallant Colonel, that Government would sanction any grant of money to the Polish exiles now in this country. The gallant Colonel had referred to the case of the Spanish refugees and French emigrants; and contended, that because a former Government had afforded them pecuniary relief, the present Government ought to extend pecuniary assistance to the petitioners. The cases were quite different. The Spanish refugees who received assistance from this country, were men who acted in concert with the armies of Great Britain during the Peninsular War; and it was because of their active co-operation with our troops, that they were expelled their own country. With respect, again, to the French emigrants, they were en-dent, but the contrary. The vials of his titled to assistance from this country, because it was in obedience to the advice of England that they had rebelled. Our shores were open to the distressed of all countries, and our laws afforded protection to the afflicted of all kinds; but it would be unfair to expect, that the unfortunate of all countries should receive pecuniary support from the Government. The sum which the gallant Colonel wished to be bestowed on the refugee Poles might not be great; but it was not the mere amount of money, but the precedent which the grant would establish, that the House ought to take into consideration. If the principle were once established, that foreign refugees were entitled to pecuniary relief, it would be found afterwards to be a very difficult matter to draw the line of distinction between those individuals and other foreigners, who, at a future time, might present their alleged claims for similar aid. He did not see on what principle they could give the assistance which the petitioners desired, and refuse relief to those Poles who might afterwards come over to this country in great numbers, and whose claims to pecuniary relief might be greater. The gallant Colonel had grounded the claims of the petitioners to relief on the circumstance of an infraction by Russia of the Treaty of Vienna, to which treaty this country was a party; and had stated, that England, in consequence of such infraction, would have had a right to rescue the Poles from the grasp of Russia by force of arms. He (Lord Palmerston) admitted, that England would have had a right to go to war with Russia if she

wrath were, in so far as words were conceived, poured out on the head of Russia; but, in God's name, why did not our actions correspond with our words? Every man ought to feel it a degradation of his country, that Poland had been suffered to become the victim of the contemptible and brutal despot of Russia. He (Mr. O'Connell) trusted that justice to the national feeling on the subject of the wrongs of Poland would yet be done, and such a strong expression of the public will, pronounced, as would drive the barbarians and ruffians of Russia out of the pale of society. The noble Lord had said, that the Spanish refugees received pecuniary assistance from this country, because they had been our active allies in the Peninsular War; that was not the ground on which that relief was extended to them. They were relieved in the year 1823, not because of any sufferings they endured as our allies, but merely as an act of benevo→ lence. The noble Lord, in speaking of the relief which had been extended by a former Government to the French emigrants, had stated the reason why such relief was granted, to be, the circumstance of this country having encouraged them to revolt. That was the case with a small fraction of those emigrants, but not with the majority. The grant, as in the case of the Spanish refugees, was principally to be regarded as an act of benevolence. He was an advocate for national economy, and he wished it were more attended to in that House than it generally was; but he was not for carrying his notions of national economy so far as to refuse assist

ance to poor distressed creatures, whose | England had a right to go to war with claims to our sympathy and aid were so Russia, because of her infraction of the strong. He would like to see a sum of Treaty of Vienna, but said it was not prumoney given by the Government to the dent or expedient. Never did a coward Poles, and would have it called Russian think it prudent to go to war; never was blood-money. The ambition of Russia was it prudent for a base mind to avenge such dangerous to the peace and well-being of wrongs as those which the despot of St. Europe. He (Mr. O'Connell) would like Petersburgh had inflicted on Poland. The to see a cordial alliance between England noble Lord had apologised, as it was foreand France, to oppose the ambition of the told a-year ago he would, to the brute Court of St. Petersburgh; but, if he did not that kicked his country. Public opinion greatly mistake the signs of the times, the was growing strong on the subject of Potraitorous Louis Phillippe did not, in reality, land, and the power of that opinion would, wish to keep up a good understanding ere long, sweep away both the noble Lord with us, but was disposed to enter into an and his paltry subterfuges. The noble alliance with Russia, and that the two Lord had said, as one reason why the Powers were meditating a joint-crusade petitioners should not have pecuniary reagainst European liberty. He thought it | lief afforded to them, that he could not was high time for England to speak out afford the money. The sum of 10,0007. in favour of Poland, and against Russian would not hurt the noble Lord and his ambition. Russia, in defiance of treaties party. Would it, then, hurt the country? of the most solemn and binding nature, Members had last year found they could had blotted out Poland from the map of afford to give away 20,000,000l. to the Europe-had extinguished its language owners of the negroes in the West Indies, and had banished its youth. The gallant and yet they could not afford 10,000l. to people of that country were now trampled the distressed Poles. He thought the under the hoof of the brutal and sanguin- noble Lord was under an evil star-that ary despot of St. Petersburgh. he was labouring under a species of fatuity Mr. Thomas Attwood thought there could to-night. He hoped he would be under be no sense of shame left in the British a better star to-morrow; and he would Government after what had already passed. then do an act of justice to the suffering England had disgracefully deserted Po- Poles. Russia was rapidly extending her land. The people of England had already, power on all hands. If the Ministers had in a great measure, taken the domestic taken his advice last year, and sent six or Government of the country out of the seven line-of-battle-ships to assist the Sulhands of Ministers; and they would soon tan, when he applied to this country for aid, see the necessity of taking the foreign we should not only have arrested the proGovernment out of their hands also. The gress of Russian dominion in Turkey, but noble Lord had said, that the mere cir- had the command of the Dardanelles, and cumstance of this country signing the the surveillance of Turkey, and, by that Treaty of Vienna, was not to be under-means, had a hook in the nose of Russia. stood as guaranteeing the observance of In addition to the other gross insults and that treaty. No honest man, in the pri- injurious impositions which the miserable vate transactions of life would say so. inertness and vacillation of our GovernLord Castlereagh had expressly said, both ment of late had encouraged foreign verbally in that House, and in subsequent Powers to put upon us, we were shortly treaties, that this country, in signing the about to have the Baltic closed against Treaty of Vienna, guaranteed the integrity our vessels; he knew, as a matter of fact, of Poland; and Lord Castlereagh was, in that it was to be shut by a treaty on the his opinion, a far better man than the point of being signed between Russia and noble Viscount. Lord Castlereagh, before Sweden. It was well known, that with a he died, demanded, in the name of Eng-view to this end, Sweden, for the last six land, the restoration of ancient Poland. weeks, had been busily engaged in fortifyLittle did Lord Castlereagh think that, in ing the Swedish side of the Sound. It the short space of ten years after his was true, that Sweden had long been a death, England would seek to hide her-close ally of England; but it was equally self in mean and paltry subterfuges, in true, that disgusted with the criminal inattempting to justify her desertion of Po-ertness, vacillation, and want of courage, land. The noble Viscount admitted, that so eminently displayed in our foreign policy

of late, Sweden was now about to sign | opinion of detestation and abhorrence of a treaty most injurious to us, with a the oppressive cruelties of the Court of Power which at least dared to countenance Russia, and of admiration at the patriotic her friends. He wished to know whether, resistance of the brave Poles. Yet Miin this critical position, Ministers would nisters had thought proper to oppose the throw off their inertness, and by the de- Motion on that occasion; and those who monstrations which England was so well supported it were told that it could have able to make, if its Government would no effect. They were tauntingly asked, give the word, deter Sweden from uniting if they wished the Government to launch with the Russian tyrant against us. He a mere brutum fulmen against Russia? wished to know, too, whether Ministers He entreated Ministers to accede to the were going to allow Russia and the Ger- present petition, in order to prove to manic Confederation to continue their Nicholas and to the world, the sentiunhallowed and fiendish persecution of the ments entertained by the British Governexiled Poles? Whether they would sanction ment and nation upon this subject. Not the tyrants in drawing their threatened many years ago, the Government, much cordon round Switzerland, the land which as they seemed now to be guided by had so nobly opened its arms to the suffer- notions of economy, granted a sum of ers? The power of England was competent 100,000l. to foreigners from Germany; to vindicate the rights, not only of the and afterwards another similar sum to the Poles, but of all the oppressed nations of Spanish refugees. The Government then Europe; why then not exercise that power was not guided by one fixed principle. in so just a cause? The monster Nicholas Would the British Government tell the -the monster Nicholas-for he was a Polish sufferers, that there was no symmonster, and no Gentleman in the House, pathy for them? He hoped they would he was sure, could call him by a milder not be guilty of so ungenerous and unepithet; that tyrant of Europe was a mere gracious, ay, unjust, an act. But, no image of brass and clay, which the power matter what might have been the expeof this Empire could shiver to atoms, and diency motives of the Government, he ought to do so, if she wished well for the was sure there would be found one liberty and happiness of Europe. The unanimous feeling of sympathy for them force of Russia, which its bribed newspa- within that House. For himself, he would pers here had paragraphed into 900,000 avow, that he was willing to labour zeamen, was in reality but 300,000; and its lously for them; he laboured to stir up other resources had been overstated to an the sympathy of the British public in equal extent. England could at one blow favour of that suffering, harassed, and crush the bully to dust. gallant people. He did not imagine, that the Government would have received the proposition with cold indifference. They said, that they had no funds available for the relief of the Poles, and that Parliament would not grant the required aid. But why would they not come down and ask Parliament for a grant? If they promoted a free discussion on the merits of the Polish question, and allowed a petition to be entertained, and the grounds and nature of its complaints to be canvassed-he did not believe that Parliament would reject the acknowledged justice of the claims of the Poles. It was not necessary for Ministers to have a phalanx of supporters to influence Parliament. Let them only appeal to Parliament, and Parliament would support them. The thing was not without precedent. The British Government had itself furnished examples of the sufferers of other countries being furnished with

Sir Samuel Whalley hoped, that England would soon be in a condition to give that succour and relief to the emigrant Poles which she had already been known to afford to other less imperative, if not less worthy claims. He thought, that the Poles had a better claim upon our bounty than the Spanish or French, who were now receiving liberal allowances from this country.

Lord Dudley Stuart regretted the tone and manner which had been displayed in the address of the hon. member for Birmingham on the present occasion. This was not a question to be treated with levity. Never was a more just cause than that of the patriotic Polish exiles; and never was there a cause more seriously deserving the attention of all good men. When that cause was brought before the House last Session, men of all parties and feelings were found united in one common

that aid that was due to the friends of and Polish liberty, and, he would add, the freedom in a free country. The present victims of Russian barbarity and despotism, petition emanated from a voluntary So he hoped he did not ask a boon that was ciety formed to assist the champions of abhorrent to the feelings of that House or Polish freedom. That Society spared of the country. Would the House or the neither time nor money to promote the country grudge the poor relief now solicause they embarked in. Their funds cited by those noble defenders of the freewere now exhausted. They could do no dom of their country? The sum required more, and they now appealed to the gene- was so small, that it could not be opposed rosity and justice of the Parliament. It on the ground of national economy; and might be said, that the Poles might have the ground on which it was asked could supported themselves like other refugees. not be resisted on any principle of national But it should be recollected, that when or Parliamentary justice or generosity. the emigrants came from France here, If a large sum were demanded, then it many years ago, they had resources which would be excusable, if not fair, to refuse the present Polish emigrants had not. it, on the simple ground, that the TreaMany of them had connexions in the sury had not funds applicable to that country; they could teach the French object, no matter what the object might and other languages; they could besides, be, though the object, sanctioned by a many of them, engage in works of previous discussion of the question in handicraft. Now the Poles, who were Parliament, and approved of by the ge almost all of them men who had drawn neral voice of the country, was undoubttheir swords in defence of their country, edly one that enlisted on its side the had not, in general, similar resources, whole sympathies of the nation. He was They came to free and generous England, not the advocate of reckless expenditure, looking for that protection which she had as was, he hoped, well known. He would so often before extended to men who had not advocate the expenditure of money suffered in a less honourable cause, and when it was not required for some useful to which they had good grounds for lookpurpose. Yet, at the same time, he would ing up, from their heroism, their unstained not refuse a grant when it could be well honour, and their sufferings. He would, applied. He would briefly call the atif necessary, and should any exception be tention of the House to a fact which, if it taken to the justice of their demands and were not, should, at all events, be well to the expediency of granting them, on known, namely, that England sanctioned, the ground that there was no evidence of indeed granted, the submission of Poland their pure propriety of conduct, rest their to Russia. But he would ask, had Engwhole claim to support on their manifes- land a right thus to barter the rights of a tation of honourable principle, and on free nation? Poland was de facto, not their meritorious conduct. There never merely de jure, free; she had achieved her was a class of emigrants who maintained, own independence; and could that indeunder all their difficulties, a higher bear-pendence be swindled from her? It ing, and who were more exempt from reproach-nay, even from discreditable suspicion than the Poles. They maintained here, as at home, the same lofty character for independence under all their privations. He would just state one fact in corroboration of his assertion. A friend of his, who knew of his exertions in favour of the Poles, said to him, that he was sure he (Lord Dudley Stuart) must have been exposed to great inconvenience from the multiplicity of applications for personal relief made to him. His answer was, and he would repeat it to the House, and in the face of the country, that he never had an application from any one Pole for assistance. In asking the House to aid the champions of Polish heroism

might be said, that Russia_only took on herself the protection of Poland under certain conditions. Well, what of that? She did subscribe to stipulations, and it was the duty of England to see that those stipulations were fulfilled. If they were not, then England was bound to see they were; and if the Poles, who were the victims of that violation on the part of Russia, threw themselves on the protection of England, which had guaranteed to them full independence, consistently with the exercise of the fair monarchical rule of Russia, England was bound, by virtue of her own treaties, and on every principle of justice, to grant the remnants of that nation protection and support. England was bound to see the conditions accepted

of by Russia fulfilled. But he had no distrust in the sympathetic feeling of England for the Poles. No matter what the Government might feel, he felt, that if the people of England had the powerhe should rather say courage, for England did not want power-to demand the restoration of the Poles, they would not have been thus oppressed. It was truly incredible, that the small sum asked for should have been met in the way the prayer of the petition seemed to have been met, especially when England was bound to Poland by so many ties, and when she had made herself on so many occasions before, an asylum for the victims of despotism through Europe.

Petitions presented. By Viscount BERESFORD, from the Political Union of Charlotte Street, for Mercy to the Persons Convicted at Dorchester of taking Unlawful Oaths. By the Marquess of LANSDOWN, from a Dissenting Congregation at Salisbury, for Relief to the Dissenters By the Duke of GORDON, from several Places in Scotland, against any Alteration in the Corn Laws.

CLAIMS OF THE DISSENTERS-PETITION.] The Lord Chancellor presented a Petition, which he said was most numerously, and, in so far as he had been able to perceive, most respectably signed, from the inhabitants of the town of Edinburgh, and from those of Leith, upon the subject of the claims of the Dissenters. The petitioners described themselves as Dissenters from the Established Church of that part of the United Kingdom; and, after setting forth Mr. Spring Rice observed, that the the difficulties under which they laboured, in Government had not been deficient in consequence of the difference which the law sympathy for the Poles. While he gave made in some respects with regard to them, full credit to the hon. and gallant Gen- and the still greater difference which the law tleman, and to the noble Lord, for the made with regard to those who were Diszeal they exhibited in the cause of the senters from the Established Church in that Poles, he would take the liberty to cau- part of the United Kingdom, they declared tion the hon. member for Birmingham that they considered that the only remedy against being too ready to make a plunge for these grievances was, to terminate by law any classes into war without reference to the conse- all distinctions whatever between quences. When it was fairly proved, that of his Majesty's subjects, on account of their Government could interfere with propriety, being members of, or dissenting from, the assistance was afforded. He was not Establishment, and to put an end to taxcalled upon to state the peculiar circum-ation for the support of such Establishment, stances which would justify a vote of and to devote the property and the revenues money; but he would suggest, that at present in possession of the Established amongst the inconveniences that would Church in both parts of the United Kingarise from giving too freely the bounty of dom to other national purposes, but having, the Crown, it would tempt foreigners to at the same time, a due regard to the interbe careless in their proceedings, because ests of present incumbents. He felt himself highly honoured by the confidence they would suppose they might find a shelter and settlement here. He wished which the petitioners had placed in him, in selecting him to present their Petition to it to be clearly understood, that when a their Lordships; but he should ill repay case was made out for the bestowal of the that confidence if he did not state that, bounty of the Crown-when it appeared though he agreed to, and supported, to a that such a grant would not be liable to considerable extent, their Petition, there objection in point of principle, as in the was one part of the statement contained in instance of a grant being permanent-then that Petition to which he could not subhis Majesty's Government would not scribe, and the prayer of which did not meet shrink from administering the relief that with his concurrence. The part of the they were now stigmatised for refusing. statement to which he alluded, was that The Petition was ordered to lie on the which set forth, that great mischief arose Table. from the Church Establishment, both in this country and in Scotland; and that such Establishment was upheld at an extreme expense, for the use chiefly of the wealthy classes of the community; and, moreover, that, in both parts of the United Kingdom, it was not supported by that wealthy class alone, but added considerably to the burthens of the people, "while it

HOUSE OF LORDS, Wednesday, March 26, 1834. MINUTES.] Bills. Received the Royal Assent by Commission:--Exchequer; Pensions, &c. Duties; Consolidated Fund; Sugar Duties; Transfer of Aids; Indemnity;

Mutiny; Marine Mutiny; Juries (Ireland); North-American Postage; and Turnpike Road Acts' Continuance.