countries, the greater becomes your difficulty of rapidly moving forward.

If Russia could afford the means of getting through the Khyber Pass with a well-equipped army, it must be an operation of time, and could not be disguised. The concentration of our military means would be comparatively easy. We have now 50,000 men and 100 field pieces, and 100 siege guns, with 500 rounds a gun, on this frontier. We should have the choice of meeting this Russian army where we pleased. Peshawur is a very small and poor district; Attock still more; and the country between the Indus and the Jehun, or Hydaspes, is so poor and barren it could not support an army. Between the Jehun and the Chenab, or Acesines, the case is the same, and it is only on this side, between the Chenab and the Sutlej, that a large army could be subsisted, with rivers intersecting the approach at right angles, of which we have no idea in Europe, one, two, and even six and seven miles broad, from June till October, when the snow melts and the rain falls, running five or six knots an hour.

Look at the map and you will find, from our new frontier on the Byar at Noorpor, passing to the eastward along the mountains which now bring us into contact with Chinese Tartary at Spitti, and the Nepaul hills, and thence by the Tennasserim provinces to the Straits at Singapoor, that there is no enemy which can give this Government any uneasiness by an external attack for a distance of nearly 6,000 miles of land frontier.

Passing from Noorpoor to the westward, down to Kurrachee on the sea, the only entrance into India is by the Khyber Pass. No general in his senses would attack India through the Bolan Pass for the sake of occupying Scinde, having then an impassable desert before him, or a flank movement of 700 miles through Bhawulpoor before he could reach this frontier.

Consequently, any attack on India is limited to a space of about 100 miles on the Sutlej, from Ferozepore to Rampoor. For 100 miles from Ferozepore down to Kurrachee no hostile attack could be made. Our coast, from Kurrachee down to the Straits, is between 5,000 and 6,000 miles. The land frontier from Kurrachee to the Straits, about 7,000 miles. Therefore, out of 13,000 miles of sea and land frontier by which the empire is encircled, the only practicable attack is confined to 100 miles between Ferozepore and the foot of the hills at Rampoor, or, if you please, the Khyber Pass, 300 miles in advance of the Sutlej.

OPINION OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

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If the Indus had turned out to be a navigable river, and that our military communications for troops and stores could have been secured from Kurrachee by the Indus, the Punjaub would have been of some military value; but that route has failed us, and there is no real military communication between this frontier and Scinde. However, I won't enter into the question of the annexation of the Punjaub. I have shown you that no external attack of any importance can be made except for 100 miles on the Sutlej; and, lastly, I give you my opinion that this entrance by the Khyber Pass for a Russian army with all the equipments and munitions of war is very nearly as impracticable as any other of the entrances into India.

The Afghan war has solved the problem of the possibility of Russian invasion. Afghanistan has no resources: it is by nature too poor to feed a large invading army; and even if such an army could reach the Indus, our British means are at all times ample to overwhelm it.

The schemes of Russia are restricted, I should say, to the extension of her trading speculations. She now supplies Chinese Tartary, Thibet, Cashmere, and Turkestan with broadcloths, velvets, leather, hardware, &c., and receives shawls and shawl wool, tin, furs, &c., in return. We should, in addition to what Russia supplies, export opium, sugar, indigo, and English cotton manufactures.

Here you have no cause for apprehension. Let us get rid of a nine-years' annual deficit by a surplus; pay off the five per cents.; improve the country-and you may do what you like; but as to a Russian invasion of India, depend upon it, my dear Lord, that it is a political nightmare.

Extract of Letter from Duke of Wellington, dated Windsor Castle, June 3, 1847.

'Lord Hardinge is quite correct in his account and description of the frontier. You may rely upon it that you have nothing to apprehend from Russia in that quarter. The possession of Scinde is a great security.'

The corrupt system of government, which was ruining the monarchy in France, produced a scandal, to which reference is made in the following letters. General Cubieres was a Peer of France, and M. Teste was Minister of Public Works. In order to obtain a

concession of a salt mine for a company in which he was interested, the General had given large bribes to the Minister. In July a State trial took place with reference to these transactions, and the culprits were condemned to fine and imprisonment. Meanwhile, however, M. Teste had attempted suicide by placing a pistol to his mouth, which missed fire. He then discharged a second, so close to his breast that the ball did not penetrate, but fell to the ground, leaving only a bruise. Lord Palmerston seems to have had his doubts about the intensity of M. Teste's desire to die.

F. O. May 7, 1847.

My dear Normanby,- These revelations about Cubieres and Teste will, no doubt, lead to other disclosures of a similar kind, because such exposures follow each other as murders do in this country; and if the system by which majorities have hitherto been obtained is laid bare, either the Ministry must fall by public disrespect for it, or it will be weakened by the cessation of the abuses upon which it lived. In either way, these things must be a blow to Guizot and the Philippine system.

What dashing fellows our cousins Transatlantic are! Who would have thought of Ulloa surrendering without being attacked? I remember a Greek line which says that "silver spears will conquer all things." No doubt the fort was a little bombarded with dollars while they were shelling the town. The Yankees will end by becoming masters of the greater part of Mexico. We cannot prevent it without going to war with the United States; and to go to war with them for such a set of people as the Mexicans would not go down with the House of Commons in the best of times, and least of all just now. If the Union becomes very large, it will either split, or else the multitude of conflicting interests which will belong to its various component parts will be an obstacle to any unnecessary war with a great maritime Power and wealthy customer like England. Moreover, a great extent of fine land to the south will render the Americans less anxious to strip us of Canada. I hear that they are already become careless about Oregon, satisfied with having the ownership.

The fortress of St. John d'Ulloa, which commanded the town of Vera Cruz.

ATTEMPTED SUICIDE OF M. TESTE.

C. G. July 16, 1847.

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Do you think Teste's attempted suicide was a reality, or anything got up for effect? It looks like the latter. In former times, a Sir William Meadows, in our service, was brought into trouble about some affairs of the same kind which had happened in India, and he discharged a pistol at his own head; the ball grazed his forehead, and friends who heard the report rushed in and found him bathing his forehead in cold water; and he said, in reply to inquiries, that he had had an affair of honour with himself, and having stood the shot, he had declared himself satisfied. But, though Teste has escaped the shot, the Ministry has had one between wind and water, which, sooner or later, must tell; and even if it tells in no other way than by making bribery more difficult, because more dangerous, it will in that way weaken a Government which relies so much upon such methods for its support. I get on very agreeably with Broglie, but as yet we have only talked about Switzerland and Greece, in regard to both of which we agree to differ.' We shall probably wind up by Thursday or Friday of next week, then dissolve, and then comes the tug of war. It is said we are to have in the new Parliament an absolute majority of our own of twenty to thirty out of the whole House. Be this as it may, we shall certainly win many seats.

There was

Parliament was dissolved on July 23. little enthusiasm on either side during the general election which followed. The Free Trade question appeared settled; and though a more vigorous policy was anticipated from a Russell than from a Melbourne Administration, no great organic changes were expected from it. On the other hand, the remnants of the Conservative party had nothing to hold out beyond vague professions of attachment to our ancient institutions. In this absence of party feeling the men in possession gained a few votes, although among their nominal supporters were many independent members in no way pledged to go with the Government if they disapproved of its measures.

CHAPTER II.

LORD MINTO'S MISSION TO ITALY-IRELAND-SICILY.

LORD MINTO, as has been stated above, went about this time to Italy, on a mission which deserves some notice. The whole land was in a ferment, and was clamouring for liberal institutions. Sardinia led the way, despite the unconcealed disapproval of her Imperial neighbour. Tuscany followed, though with laggard steps, and the Papal Court suffered for its prostration under the general fever by the occupation of Ferrara by Austrian forces. Charles Albert at once notified to the Pope his readiness to assist him with a Piedmontese army if the Imperial troops made any further advance. Meanwhile Pius IX., being engaged in administrative reforms, had expressed to the English Government a wish to have the assistance of some person of rank and experience who might aid him by advice, and at the same time afford him the moral support of England. Lord Minto therefore went off to Rome in November, 1847, with directions to visit Turin and Florence on his way. His aim was so to represent the English Government as to strengthen the authority of the constitutional governments in Italy, but he did not profess to believe that English mediation or interposition in territorial questions was likely to turn to much account. He only thought it probable that, by taking a firm and decided line, England might enable the wise friends of order and freedom to cope in their domestic affairs with the sedition of the young Italy and Mazzini firebrands.

Lord Palmerston's instructions to Lord Minto were, first of all, to convey to the King of Sardinia the