neutrality, and this now seemed a glorious opportunity for Russia to carry out her longcherished designs. She supported Prussia morally, in this way hoping to crush France, and then only England would be left to attack. The result proved favourable; France was defeated by Prussia, and this was followed by the fall of the Monarchy, and the proclamation of the Republic (September 14, 1870).

Russia now looked around, and at a glance saw the favourable position she occupied, and her strength. Austria had been weakened by the war with Prussia in 1866, Spain and Italy were convulsed with revolutions, Turkey was naturally weak; Prussia had suffered somewhat in 1866 with Austria, and with France in 1870. France herself had undoubtedly received a crushing blow, while England was worried over the Alabama claims with America.

Thus we see the balance of power was considerably shaken by the Franco-Prussian War, while an alliance among the Western states seemed impossible.

In 1870 Western Europe was startled by Prince Gortchakoff's declaration that the Black Sea clauses of the Treaty of Paris, 1856, were null and void. "He declared it would no longer be submitted to by his Imperial master.” I

England naturally felt very indignant, but was practically helpless, as she was unable to get any ally from among the Western Powers, and she felt unable to cope singly with Russia. The Government were perplexed, and the Premier, Mr. W. E. Gladstone, sent Lord Odo Russell to the German Chancellor to ask his advice on the subject, and to inform him that "the question was of such a nature that England, with or without allies, would have to go to war with Russia."

Prince Bismarck, who was afraid of a FrancoRussian alliance, and wished to conciliate the Russian Emperor, recommended that a conference should be held in St. Petersburg.

The English Government objected to this, so a Conference was held in London

1 Earl Russell's "Recollections and Suggestions, 1813-1873," p. 476.

where the following provisions were agreed

to:

"Article I. Articles XI., XIII., and XIV., of the Treaty of Paris, 1856, are abrogated. "Article II. The principle of the closing of the Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus is maintained, with power to his Imperial Majesty the Sultan to open the said Straits in time of peace to the vessels of war of friendly and allied Powers, in case the Sublime Porte should judge it necessary in order to secure the execution of the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris.

"Article III. The Black Sea remains, as heretofore, open to the mercantile marine of all nations."

Article IV. The Commission managing the navigation of the Danube “is maintained in its present composition" for a further period of twelve years.

Article VIII. The high contracting parties renew and confirm all the stipulations. of 1856, which are not annulled or modified by the present treaty."

This treaty resulted in what Russia wished,

viz., the opening of the Black Sea to Russian war ships—a right which she had held previous to the Crimean War.

Mr. Disraeli (afterwards Lord Beaconsfield) vigorously attacked the Gladstonian policy by saying that "the neutral character of the Black Sea is the essence of the Treaty of Paris, and that that, in fact, was the question for which we had struggled and made great sacrifice and endured these sufferings which never can be forgotten," and the "point upon which the negotiations for peace (at Vienna, 1855) was broken off was the neutral character of the Black Sea.” I

I

"No sooner had Napoleon learned that an English Cabinet Minister was to go to Vienna than he sent thither also his own Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, while Prince Gortschakoff, who had already been designated as Nesselrode's successor, represented Russia at the Conference. The first two points-the cessation of the Russian protectorate over Moldavia and Wallachia, and the regulation of the navigation of the Danube in conformity with the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna -presented little difficulty. On the other hand, a lively word combat, and a not less lively interchange of despatches, arose over the third point, which demanded the revision of the Dardanelles Treaty of July 13, 1841, and the abrogation of Russian supremacy in the Black

In answer to this attack Mr. Gladstone replied, "I do not speak from direct communication with Lord Clarendon, but I have been told since his death that he never attached a value to that

neutralization.

Sea. The words, 'mettre fin à la prépondérance russe dans la Mer Noire,' were of a very elastic nature, and capable of various interpretations. The Western Powers, mindful of Europe, demanded the neutralization of the Black Sea and a limitation of the number of Russian and Turkish war ships. Gortschakoff declared that Sebastopol was not yet taken, and probably never would be taken, and that Russia must reject any attempt to limit her naval forces as a humiliation unworthy of a Great Power. Austria then proposed a compromise that Russia should pledge herself to maintain the status quo of 1853; and that each of the Western Powers should be entitled to - station two frigates in the Black Sea, in order to see that Russia did not increase her fleet. At the same time Austria promised to consider it as a casus belli if Russia kept there a single ship of war more than in 1853. M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who, in the interest of exhausted France, was anxious to bring the war to an end, accepted this proposed compromise, and induced Lord John Russell to do likewise. Both were disavowed. Drouyn de Lhuys sent in his resignation, and was succeeded at the Ministry on the Quai d'Orsay by Walewski; but Lord John Russell, scorned alike by his friends and foes, returned to London, and, in spite of all, remained Minister for the present" (Count Vitzthum's, "St. Petersburg and London."