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integrity of the Ottoman Empire was to be respected. Here the Czar caught a key-note of the English policy, and he played on it afterwards to his own advantage.

The Porte accepted the conditions of the Note, but the rebels did not trust the Turkish promises, so the insurrections continued.

The Czar then, with Gortschakoff, met Bismarck and Andrassy at Berlin, and, together, they drew up the "Berlin Memorandum," 2 in which the three Powers asked

I Lord Derby said that "the Note now proposed was sure to lead to farther diplomatic interference in the internal affairs of Turkey."

2

First, the provision of means sufficient to settle the refugees in their homes; second, the distribution of these means by a mixed Commission, with a Herzegovinian Christian as President; third, the concentration of Turkish troops into certain places; fourth, the retention of arms by the Christians; fifth, the Consuls or Delegates of the Powers to have a watch over the application of the promised reforms and repatriation of the people. The Memorandum farther proceeded thus in its closing paragraph If, however, the armistice were to expire without the effort of the Powers being successful in attaining the ends they have in view, the three Imperial Courts are of opinion that it would become necessary to supplement their diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement, with a view to such

the Sultan to grant an armistice for two months in order that the demands of the insurgents might receive a fair consideration. Italy and France added their voices, but England refused to sign the Memorandum and sent a powerful squadron to Besika Bay, expecting that the Sultan would refuse the Memorandum because it would endanger the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. This efficacious measures as might appear to be demanded in the interest of general peace, to check the evil and prevent its development" (The Duke of Argyll's "The Eastern Question," vol. i. p. 193).

"The objections of detail taken by the English Cabinet to the Berlin Memorandum were at once met by Prince Bismarck by the declaration that these points were entirely open to discussion, that they might be modified according to circumstances, and that he, for one, would willingly entertain any improvement which Her Majesty's Government might have to propose.' . . . France implored Her Majesty's Government to reconsider its decision, and declared that persistence in it would, at such a momentous crisis, be nothing short of a 'public calamity.' She could not conceal the apprehensions for the future to which this refusal have given rise.' Italy did the same. The position was, that England objected to everything proposed by others, and had nothing to propose herself. Continued trust in the Turks was her only suggestion" (The Duke of Argyll's "The Eastern Question," vol. i. pp. 202, 203).

"Berlin Memorandum" displays the skilful way in which Russia, under the clever guidance of the Czar and his Minister Gortschakoff, carried on negotiation. She was only seeking a pretence1 for a single-handed war policy with Turkey, and in order to do this she proposed measures at Berlin which she knew would prove objectionable to England. Germany, who dreaded a special alliance between France and Russia, was obliged to agree to these measures, thus becoming a tool of Russia, who wanted to make England first deviate from the Treaties of Paris and London, and, if possible, to break down the balance of power in Europe which she herself had already done by her withdrawal from the Black Sea clauses in the Treaty of Paris.

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"At the first meeting of the Congress (June 13, 1878) Lord Beaconsfield made his concerted objection to the advanced position of the Russian troops at the gates of Constantinople. Count Schouvaloff replied that this advanced position had been taken up by the Russian army in consequence of the entry of the English fleet into the Bosphorus. Prince Bismarck, the President of the Congress, expressed himself satisfied with the Russian reply " (The Duke of Argyll's "The Eastern Question," vol. ii. p. 144).

England fell into the snare together with the other Powers. She objected to the Berlin Memorandum, refused to sign, and sent a fleet to Besika Bay in support of her objection. This was just what Russia

desired.

A new Sultan now ascended the throne, and Russian influence declined while that of England increased.

In July, 1876, Prince Milan of Servia, and Prince Mikita of Montenegro, declared war against Turkey, having open assistance from Russia. The rebels, however, were subjugated by the Turks.

In November, 1876, Alexander II. of Russia, made a public declaration that “if Turkey did not give due guarantees for the better government of her Christian subjects he would force them to do so, either in concert with his allies or by independent action."

The European Powers, in consequence of this proclamation, proposed a Conference at Constantinople to settle the matter. The Czar, seeing that the Conference was inevit

able, agreed to it. The representatives met, and, as was to be expected, asked nearly the same conditions as had been contained in the "Andrassy Note."

The promulgation of a new Constitution for the Ottoman Empire was the result of the Conference, much to the disappointment of Russia, who did not expect that any such result would be arrived at. Thus, in order to stop any further reforms or concessions being made by Turkey, she succeeded in removing from power the author of the new Constitution, viz., Midhat Pasha, who was an important personage in Turkish politics.

The following little story shows the skilful way in which the Turkish Minister was removed from power by the agency of Russia :

"During the Conference, the day after the Turks had proclaimed their new Constitution, General Ignatieff met Sir W. White.

"Have you read the Constitution?' asked Ignatieff. 'No,' said the Englishman ; 'what does it matter? It is not serious.' 'But,' said Ignatieff, 'you must really read