CHAPTER XII

THE TEST AT CLEVELAND

IN September of 1920 that entertaining quadriennial phenomenon of American life known as the "political year" neared its absorbing close. For many months the fascinating occupations of politics and political gossip, surmise, intrigue, speculation, rumor, and report had been the nigh all-embracing considerations of our existence. They had been our meat and drink, our daily fare. They touched and tinctured everything. Nothing-no man or group-enjoyed the convenient distinction reserved for Caesar's wife. None was unsuspected, none exempt. If one's political motives and leanings were not transparent one was merely cunning. It was impossible that such motives and leanings did not exist.

Into the last-named category fell the American Legion, "non-partisan" and "non-political." These disclaimers were a clever shield, but merely a shield. A million exsoldiers and sailors banded together and not in partisan politics! It could not be. Had the Legion been misled in the pursuit of an unattainable ideal or was it playing a deep, deep game? Unquestionably it could not live and abstain from partisanship. Had the G. A. R. and the U. C. V. done so? They had not.

Many believed, and among them were many Legionnaires, that it would be impracticable-if not impossible-for the Legion longer to attempt to hold aloof from political considerations. Many believed that a liberal interpretation of the Legion constitution on this point would strengthen rather than impair the sinews of the organization. Others urged it would be necessary to sanction officially an action which if not so sanctioned might be practiced unofficially and in violation of the constitution. There were many views on the subject, and for months before the second con

vention assembled at Cleveland these views had been aired freely at post and county gatherings and at several State conventions. Most discussion had been inconclusive. It was the feeling that this was a matter for the National Convention to decide. Several State delegations went to Cleveland with instructions to bring the issue before the convention, thresh it out in the open and reach a decision as to whether or not the time had come for modification of the constitutional ban on political activity.

Thus came about the issue for which the Cleveland convention perhaps will longest be remembered. The convention assembled on September 27th, six weeks and one day prior to the presidential election. Then and there was the issue threshed out and settled-settled it seems to me for a long time to come. Everything that has transpired since appears to confirm the judgment of the membership as expressed, though not without division of sentiment and controversy, by the Cleveland convention when it overwhelmingly voted down a "clarifying" resolution which would in effect have modified the political restrictions clause of the national constitution.

The convention intrusted the matter to its Committee on Constitutional Amendment, of which the experienced Eric Fisher Wood was chairman. So important was deemed the work of this committee that it was decided its recommendations should not be acted upon by the convention until twenty-four hours had elapsed after their presentation on the floor. Mr. Wood's first appearance before the convention was at the beginning of the afternoon session of Tuesday, September 28th, the second day of the sessions.

The delegates gave close attention as he observed that the committee was ready to report "on everything except political restriction. That will be brought in later this afternoon." Chairman Wood read the recommendations to which the committee had already agreed: National Commanders and National Vice-Commanders shall be ineligible

to re-election; the National Adjutant shall be elected by the Executive Committee upon the nomination of the National Commander, and may be removed by the Executive Committee; Past National Commanders shall be life members of the Executive Committee, but without vote. All amendments to the preamble had been rejected.

The committee had rejected by a vote of twenty-six to six a proposal sponsored by Minnesota to district the country into five areas, each district to elect one Vice-Commander. "The proposal," said Mr. Wood, "has great administrative advantages, but we felt, most of us, that it also had great political advantages. So far the Legion has been singularly free of the control of any machine. We have never had any Legion politics, and we feared that if we should have a Vice-Commander in the Northwestern district, say, he might be able to consolidate himself."

Mr. Vernon of Minnesota spoke in favor of the district plan. It would enable Vice-Commanders to increase their usefulness to the organization. He asked Mr. Wood to read the minority report on this question, which was done. The convention listened to this with interest and patience, but it was plainly disappointed over the delay on the political restrictions issue. That was the big thing.

Shortly before the adjournment that day Chairman Wood reappeared on the stage at the Hippodrome. The "Legion and labor" question had been under heated discussion for more than an hour. The delegates settled themselves and restored quiet to the theater. Experienced Wood looked weary. The strain of long hours of committee-room struggle was stamped on his countenance. It invested him with the interesting air of one who bears tidings from a field of fray.

"We had hoped," began Wood's familiar voice, "to be able to give you the details of the position of our committee on the question of political restrictions, but we have been unable to reach an accord." There was a low murmur of