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religious controversy, was drawn this summer within the vortex of the Infallibilist agitation. The occasion was the publication by the Bishop of Rorvyo, in Upper Hungary, of a letter containing the Vatican dogma, without royal permission. The Minister of Public Worship, being interrogated on the subject, replied that he had intimated his disapproval to the Bishop, and had informed him that, in case of any illegal consequences of his act, the law would be strictly put in force. But this answer did not satisfy the Left or the Protestant members, who insisted that the publication was itself an illegal act; and the Minister defended himself by alleging the absence of any specific law under which the offending Bishop could be dealt with. M. Déak, who came foward to support him, endorsed this view, and the Opposition could only refer vaguely to old laws against disloyalty and felony, which they presumed to be applicable to the case. On this, Déak took occasion to sketch out his own ideas of ecclesiastical reform. He advocated the enactment of laws to guarantee the free exercise and civil equality of all religions, obligatory civil marriage, the autonomy of Catholics, and the readjustment of the jus placiti in accordance with the modern system of free speech and a free press: he finally suggested the appointment of a Commission to regulate the relations of Church and State; and he would have them regulated rather on Cavour's principle of complete separation of Church and State than on Bismarck's principle of State supremacy. The majority of the Assembly evidently shared his view of the subject. Discontented with the religious policy of the Cabinet, and distrustful of its independence from clerical influence, the Left Centre declared that they would only consent to the appointment of the Commission desired by the Minister of Worship-in which they suspected a mere pretext for delay on condition of its being directed to conduct its proceedings on the principles enunciated by Déak; and all the Liberal members of the Right, with Déak at their head, voted in the same sense against the Catholic party.

Towards the end of the year a Ministerial crisis took place in Hungary. M. Szlavy, who in 1872 had succeeded Count Lonyay as Prime Minister, had, in his anxiety to conciliate all parties, neglected or postponed reforms which were rendered indispensable by the necessities of the time, and allowed the Administration to fall into a state of anarchy which seriously impaired its authority in the country. This condition of affairs became so alarming that M. Koloman Ghyczy, the most prominent leader of the Opposition, asked his electors to permit him to resign his seat in the House, on the ground that he had become convinced that Hungary had proved undeserving of that independence for which he and his party had striven so long. Hungary," said M. Ghyczy in his address, "is in a state of dissolution, and is hastening towards a great catastrophe. While we strive to make her great by extending her rights as a distinct State, she shows herself incapable even of exercising the rights she already possesses. If the present state of things

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should continue, Hungary will soon be unable to fulfil either her obligations abroad or the requirements of her Administration at home; demoralization is everywhere prevalent, and even in those classes of society which should give an example of patriotic devotion the simplest feeling of public duty is often wanting." This led to the resignation of two members of the Cabinet. M. Szlavy himself desired to resign, but was persuaded by the Emperor to remain in office till the debates on the Budget should be concluded. The complication seemed likely to end in a break-up of the so-called Déak party, the head of whom, M. Déak himself, was unable from the state of his health to take any part in political affairs.

An interesting event for Hungary was the passing of a Bill late in the autumn for the consolidation of the long rival cities of Buda and Pesth into one capital for Hungary, under the united name of Buda-Pesth. "A mixed Committee of the two towns," says a contemporary account, "underwent all the preparatory labour, and when this was done the organization of the new municipality was taken in hand, and this has now been completed by the election of the Mayor and all the officials. The whole process has passed without, one may say, a single case of misunderstanding or collision, both sides showing a spirit of conciliation and fairness which speaks highly for their patriotism. They both seemed anxious to subordinate all their numberless small local and private interests to the public interest, and the result is that Hungary, after 800 years of existence, has for the first time a capital in the full sense of the word."

Some diplomatic differences between Austria and Turkey on the subject of the Christians in Bosnia will find mention elsewhere.

The applause which had greeted the Emperor on the delivery of his speech before the Reichsrath was but a foretaste of the enthusiasm with which his subjects, both in Austria and in Hungary, celebrated the anniversary of his accession to the throne a few weeks later. It was the twenty-fifth anniversary-the silver wedding-day, according to the German fancy-of his union with his Empire. He had succeeded to the rule of the Hapsburgs at a disastrous time, on the 2nd of December, 1848, when he had scarcely completed his 18th year. Since then he and his people had had struggles internal and external-reverses, disasters in abundancebut he had acted the part of a loyal and honourable sovereign throughout, and was rewarded by finding his Empire now, at the end of this quarter of a century, more compact, more united than it had ever been, and his personal popularity without a drawback. The jubilee took place at Buda-Pesth on the 29th of November, as the 2nd of December, the actual date of the accession, was reserved for the festivities at Vienna. Francis Joseph and his Empress were present at both their capitals on the occasion. Well might those who had witnessed the state of things prior to the settlement of 1867 marvel at the change of feeling in the transleithian realm. Old grudges seemed quite to have passed away,

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and the nation to remember only that since the House of Austria first ruled over Hungary there never had been a King between whom and his people there reigned such thorough harmony as that existing between King Francis Joseph and his loyal Hungarians. So thoroughly was this the case that, without waiting for the initiative of the Legislature, towns and counties, municipalities, and other public bodies and associations decided to celebrate the anniversary by voting addresses, sending up deputations to present them, and appropriating funds for some public purpose to perpetuate the memory of the day.

On the 2nd of December festivities and illuminations took place at all the towns and villages in Austria. The illumination of Vienna was general, spontaneous, and most brilliant, even the humblest streets being lighted up. The public buildings, the embassies, and the private mansions were gay with flags. The Ringstrasse was a sea of light. The Emperor, the Empress, and the Crown Prince drove for two hours through the densely-crowded streets, and were loudly cheered. Far away on the Alps shone out bonfires from the mountain-tops. At sunrise on Monday morning a salute of 101 guns was fired before the imperial castle. High mass was celebrated in all the churches. The Emperor continued to receive numberless congratulatory addresses from deputations. In replying to that of the generals he said with deep emotion, "I present to you my son. I wish you to show to him the same fidelity as to me." Many old generals wept when the Emperor ended by recalling the glorious deeds of the deceased General Radetzky and Admiral Tegethoff. Congratulatory telegrams arrived from all the Sovereigns of Europe. At sunset another salute of 101 guns was fired from the arsenal. The theatres were thrown open free of cost.

On the following day the Emperor received a deputation of army officers, with Archduke Albrecht at their head. He thanked them, and through them the whole army and navy, for the fidelity and affection displayed towards his person, both in good and evil days. Next day he received the Diplomatic Corps, the English, French, and German Ambassadors, and the Ministers of Bavaria, Denmark, and Portugal, presenting autograph letters of congratulation from their Sovereigns.

And so, as the year 1873 closed upon the Empire of AustroHungary, it might be a hope not unwarrantable even for those most impressed with the fallaciousness of political horizons, that the motto Viribus unitis, which Francis Joseph had chosen at his accession, had become a reality.

CHAPTER IV.

ITALY.-National feeling for Napoleon III.-Debates on Finance-Ministerial Crisis -Religious Corporations Bill-Illness of the Pope-Deaths of Manzoni and of Rattazzi-Financial Debate, and Resignation of Ministers-Signor Minghetti-Visit of Victor Emmanuel to Austria and Germany-Dissolution of the Jesuit ConventsAssociation of Science-Reassembling of Chambers-Debates-Pope's Encyclical Letter-New Cardinals.

SPAIN. Difficulties of King Amadeo's Government-His Abdication-Republic Proclaimed-Figueras President-Political Complications-Carlist War- Santa CruzRevolt at Barcelona-Dissolution of Permanent Committee-Flight of Marshal Serrano-Elections to new Cortes Constituyentes-Pi-y-Margall President of the Republic - Changes in the Cabinet-Intransigentes-Revolts in South of SpainGovernment of Salmeron-Carlist War-Proceedings at Cartagena-Resignation of Salmeron - Castelar President and Dictator-Naval Actions off Cartagena-Dismissal of Admiral Lobo-Carlists-Dissensions between Castelar and SalmeronImpending coup d'état.

PORTUGAL.-BELGIUM.-NETHERLANDS.-War with Atchin.

SWITZERLAND.-Affair of Bishop Mermillod-Père Hyacinthe-Ecclesiastical Legislation-Duke of Brunswick-Internationalist Congress.

SWEDEN. - Coronation of Oscar II.

DENMARK.-Ministerial Crisis-Dissolution of Rigsdag-Icelandic Politics-Visit of German Crown Prince.

ITALY.

THE news of the Emperor Napoleon's death was received in Italy with great emotion. A very general sentiment of gratitude for the important part he had played in bringing about the national unity. pervaded the public mind. Numerous addresses of condolence were telegraphed from the Italian cities to the Empress Eugénie. The royal family went into mourning. The municipality of Spoleto, where Napoleon III. first fought for Italy, voted 2000 lire at once towards the erection of a monument to him. In the Chamber of Deputies, and in the Senate, the national regret was expressed for one who had been the friend and liberator of Italy. A funeral service was celebrated for him at Rome, in the Church of Santa Maria, at which, among other illustrious attendants, were present the Prime Minister, Signor Lanza, and Cardinal Bonaparte.

While the Committee occupied on the Religious Corporations Bill were prosecuting their labours with leisurely caution, the question of finance chiefly occupied the Chamber of Deputies. Signor Sella presented, on the 17th of March, a detailed statement, comprising the financial accounts of the year 1871, the position of the Treasury in 1872, the definitive Budget for 1873, and the Estimates for 1874. He said that the financial measures adopted by Government had been more favourable than he had anticipated; that though the Budget for

the current year showed a deficit of 131,000,000 lire, he had resources to meet it; and that though the Estimates for 1874 showed a deficit of 107,000,000, this, too, might be overcome by resolute limitation of expenditure, thanks to the improved revenue which was accruing from some of the taxes. A day or two after, Signor Sella had to combat a motion of Signor Nicotera for a considerable outlay on the part of Government to secure the completion of the national armaments and fortifications. He declared that he could not accept any proposal implying an exhortation to the Government to provide for the armaments of the country, because this would be an undeserved reproach upon the Ministry, which had already considered this question. He would only accept the Order of the Day as proposed by Signor Perrone, which was in the following terms: "The Chamber of Deputies is confident that the Ministry will provide efficaciously for the defence of the State, and takes note of its declarations."

On a vote being taken, this Order of the Day was approved by 153 votes against 100.

This was a success for the Ministry. A few weeks later another money question led to its overthrow. The Minister of Marine had recommended that a sum of six millions and a half of lire should be expended on the construction of an arsenal at Taranto. The question was referred to a Committee, and the Committee decided that the amount was not nearly large enough, and that 23,000,000 lire should be voted to the object in contemplation. The Bill was brought before the Chamber on the 30th of April. The attendance of members happened to be scanty; only one Minister was present. Nothing indicated any expectation of a critical discussion. The increased sum was voted, and the remaining clauses were coming on for consideration, when Signor Sella rushed into the Chamber and declared that the Ministry regarded the course taken by the Chamber as so serious a blow to the Government that it was necessary to adjourn the debate and give it an opportunity of considering its position. The next day the Ministers placed their resignation in the hands of the King. It might seem a strange whim of politics that a Cabinet should take flight before a Chamber too liberal in responding to its demands; but Signor Sella urged the imperative necessity of caution about every item of expenditure, without which his scheme for placing the financial position of the country on a sound footing must inevitably break down. No doubt the 23,000,000 might be spread over ten years, and the sum of 80,000l. sterling was all which it was proposed to raise last year; still, in the present state of things, that was not to be regarded as a trifle, and to be compelled to find it would damage all his plans. The King sent for Signor Pisanelli, and requested him to undertake the formation of a new Cabinet; but that statesman declared himself unable to perform the task. Rattazzi was ill in bed. The King was urged to use all his influence to induce his late advisers to reassume their posts. The difficulty lay with Sella; without him the other Minis

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