pared, and had not recovered its strength, it could not advance alone. He admitted that he had hoped for quick victory, and reluctantly agreed to the CVA plan to regroup for two months. In the end, the two sides decided to call a joint meeting of top officers of the two armies to share experiences and unify their thinking.59

After Stalin was informed of the argument concerning the military command, he stated in a telegram, "the leadership of the CVA is correct. Undoubtedly, the truth lies with com

the war to an early end.63

The Struggle Over Railroad Management

Because of the successful UN counter offensive in the spring of 1951, the Sino-Korean plan to regroup was not carried out. After armistice negotiations opened in July 1951, the war became a matter of "negotiating while fighting." This new situation highlighted the importance of the Sino-Korean army's supply line, and as a result, the conflict between China

mander Peng Dehuai." He praised Peng's ability to defeat the supremely powerful American imperialist forces using inferior equipment, and said that he was a military genius. Stalin also criticized the Soviet ambassador for lacking understanding of military matters, and forbade him to interfere with Peng again.60 At this point, Mao also stepped up the pressure. On 14 January he sent a telegram to Kim pointing out:

In the next two to three months, the Chinese Volunteers and the Korean troops must carry out serious and major work, in particular to replenish the troops with newly trained soldiers, to make sure that the newly trained soldiers imitate the experience of the old soldiers, to strengthen the troop armaments, to rebuild the railways, to lay in store food and ammunition, to improve the work of transport and the rear service. Carrying out this work can secure the final victory.

Mao believed that "it is necessary for us to prepare well so that it will be possible to continue the fight. We might repeat the mistakes the Korean troops allowed between June and September 1950...The Chinese and Korean comrades must be patient and carry out the necessary preparations." The next day Mao sent a copy of this telegram to Stalin.61

During meetings with Peng from 16-18 January, Kim admitted that the idea of the KPA advancing south alone was risky. The Politburo then discussed the matter and decided that the Chinese were correct in suggesting that in order to conduct better offensives in the future, it was necessary to spend two months reorganizing.62 From a military perspective, Peng's plan was the more realistic for many reasons. The naïve enthusiasm of North Korean leaders was clearly influenced by political factors. But the disagreement between the Chinese and North Koreans was only over tactics, not overall strategy. Beijing was in agreement with Pyongyang and Moscow in wishing to use military means to force UN troops off the Korean peninsula and solve the Korean problem completely. It was in this spirit that Mao and Kim ignored UN calls for a cease-fire, losing a good opportunity to bring

and North Korea over how to manage the railroad system intensified. Due to the severe damage to the Korean infrastructure inflicted by American bombing and the difficulties of operating on foreign soil, the CVA faced a supply shortage. The army could not get supplies locally, and because the American army was so well equipped and maneuverable, getting supplies delivered in a timely manner was difficult. Most goods and equipment were imported from China and had to travel along lengthy, difficult mountain routes. Road conditions were extremely poor, and the CVA faced a shortage of transportation from the very beginning. Moreover, US planes continued to bomb day and night, causing great damage and placing even greater strain and importance on railroad transportation.64

Already in the late fall of 1950 Peng Dehuai had requested that the Northeastern Bureau of the Party take steps to strengthen rail transportation, including establishing a unified management structure with the Koreans. He had also asked the central government to dispatch railway soldiers to Korea to improve maintenance ability. A group of railroad soldiers and workers was immediately dispatched and began working alongside the KPA railroad construction forces and the Korean railway workers.65 Peng then met with Gao Gang on 16 November to suggest the establishment of a joint SinoKorean railway command. 66 Chinese representatives were sent to Korea to discuss the issue and attempted several times to meet with Korean officials, but with little result. Only after Kim's trip to Beijing to speak with Chinese leaders on 3 December did the two sides arrive at an agreement in principle.67 In late December, the Chinese established the Northeastern Military District Railroad Transportation Command (later renamed the Northeastern Military District Military Transportation Command), headed by Chinese military and political officers. At the same time, the Korean Railroad Military Management Bureau in Qiu Chang was established, managed by both Chinese and North Koreans. 68

Following a January 1951 meeting in Shenyang between representatives of the logistical department of each CVA army corps and the relevant departments of the Northeast People's

istry of Transportation participate in the management of the railroad. They agreed to establish a joint military transportation command structure headed by the Chinese and led by the Sino-Korean joint command, but they insisted that the new structure work together with the DPRK Ministry of Trans

Even though the Railroad Management Bureau had been established, a great rift still existed between the Chinese and Koreans. The two sides had not yet decided whether to adopt a military management system or simply institute a system of military representatives. They also debated whether military supplies or supplies for civilian use and economic construction would be given priority. Moreover, the Bureau's organization had not yet been completed, and the ideological consciousness and morale of railway personnel was low. Rail transport thus continued to face extremely difficult problems. Peng complained to Mao that "if we don't find a way to resolve this quickly, it will definitely prolong the war."72

Keeping the railroad running smoothly and safely was the most pressing concern related to joint coordination and unified command. When Kim Il Sung visited Beijing in early December, the two sides worked out the basic principles for the establishment of a joint Sino-Korean rail transportation command structure. Alluding to the objections among Koreans that such an arrangement would violate their national sovereignty, Kim told Chai Chengwen after his return from Beijing that "previously, we discussed the issue of a military management system for the railroad many times, but on our side, there were always some who did not understand that without military victory, principled discussions would be pointless." He stated to Chai that the matter had been taken care of in Beijing and asked him to "please inform Comrade Gao Gang and let him appoint railway personnel."73 However, the discussions between the two sides proved to be extremely difficult.

On 19 February 1951 chief Chinese negotiators Ye Lin (Minister of Transportation for the Northeast Government of China), Zhang Mingyuan (Vice-Commander of the East Logistical Corps), and Peng Min (a railway soldier), reported that during negotiations, the North Koreans frequently did not put enough thought into issues, and the ideas they raised often contradicted each other. Moreover, the Koreans objected to the Chinese principle to "see first to the transportation needs of the army," and instead thought more about North Korean economic recovery. Pak Hon-yong commented that economics is politics. The issue was thus left to Kim and Gao to resolve by themselves.

The Koreans also requested that the North Korean Min

similar to the Korean Military Transportation Bureau, and he opposed instituting a system of military management for the railroads. He suggested instead that they restore the old Korean management bureaus, incorporating into them the provisional railroad management bureau that had already been established.74

By mid-March, the two sides still had rather different opinions on the basic principles of railroad management. Merging military management and railroad administration during wartime was an effective way to maximize the efficiency of the railroad, and a railroad military management bureau was a form of organization through which China and Korea could implement joint military management. The North Koreans therefore could not oppose this point directly. Instead, they established their own military transportation bureau to control the railroads and take over the work of the original management bureau (Order No. 21 of the transportation ministry). This action weakened and limited the Military Management Bureau, and made it unable to exercise full power.

To resolve this problem as quickly as possible, Zhou compromised, agreeing that "aside from maintaining the established unified military management command, and jointly conducting railroad repair, during the present situation the Korean railroad administration will still manage the Korean railroads." Kim expressed his basic agreement with this proposal, but during talks between the Chinese representative and the minister of the North Korean Transportation Department, the Koreans raised additional demands. Not only should railroad administration be directed by the DPRK Transportation Minister, but the Military Management Bureau should not be responsible for developing plans. Its role would be restricted to inspecting and supervising railway transportation. The North Koreans also demanded that railway maintenance work have a separate organization headed by the DPRK Ministry of Transportation.

In actuality, these demands amounted to canceling the Sino-Korean joint military organization. Given the unpredictability of the North Koreans during negotiations and the rift in basic thinking between the two sides, the Chinese representative believed the problem to be very complicated. Even though an agreement had been reached on paper, it was still difficult to change anything in actual practice. He thus requested that "an authoritative and influential comrade be dispatched again to discuss the matter further." Peng suggested that he offer for Kim's consideration the opinion of the transportation minister, and let the two governments meet to resolve the matter. He requested only that the Koreans "guarantee timely completion of all military transportation work [and] confirm the particulars of railroad management and transportation."75

Shortly thereafter, Gao Gang offered five suggestions

ciples: 1) to continue the military management system of the Korean railroad, but institute a military representative system and establish military representatives at all levels, under a joint transportation command headed by the Chinese. Military representatives would have final decisions over all military transportation matters; 2) the Joint Transportation Command established in Shenyang would appoint one person to the DPRK Transportation Ministry to serve as chief representative with the power to supervise implementation of plans for military transportation; 3) the Korean side would guarantee that the Joint Transportation Command, and its chief representatives and military representatives at all levels, would have uninterrupted telephone communication; 4) a unified maintenance command, would be established under the unified transportation command and directed by the Korean Ministry of Transportation (MKT); 5) Chinese railroad workers in North Korea would be led by the Korean Railroad Bureau, but their political work would be directly under the Chinese military representative.

With these basic principles, the Chinese negotiated again with the Korean Transportation Minister. Except for the issue of who had authority over the maintenance command, about which the Koreans did not take a clear position, they basically accepted Gao's five points, but demanded confirmation that the Korean Transportation Command would have jurisdiction over railway management bureaus. The Koreans agreed in principle to open the entire network to railroad traffic, and to establish a unified transportation command that would determine and approve the ratio of military materials transported to the ratio of civilian economic materials transported. The Koreans also asked China to send people to serve in vice-chairman posts in each management bureau controlled by the Ministry of Transportation. Zhou consequently asked the Chinese representatives to include in the records a statement regarding who had authority over the unified maintenance command, and agreed that Ye, Zhang, and Peng should sign the records and bring the entire document to Beijing. It was precisely at this point that Moscow's opinion was received, which changed things completely.

76

According to Zhang Mingyuan's observations, the stumbling block was the question of who would control the Joint Transportation Command. The Chinese representative pointed out that because most of the Korean railroads and trains had been destroyed, the majority of trains in service on Korean rails were those brought over from China. Moreover, most of the maintenance and transportation troops and train crews were also Chinese, and even the equipment used for maintenance and supplies for the Korean railway crews were the responsibility of the Chinese. This being the case, it would be difficult for the Koreans to conduct the normal operations of rail transport. Therefore, for the duration of the war, the Chinese should control the Sino-Korean railroad transportation effort. But the Koreans and Soviet advisors stubbornly maintained that the management of railroad transportation involved questions of national sovereignty, and therefore must be controlled by the Koreans. In response to this, Zhou

Pyongyang, but rather in Moscow, and expressed his desire to negotiate with the Soviets to find an appropriate solution.77

On the day Zhou sent a telegram to the Chinese representatives instructing them to prepare to sign the agreement, Stalin sent his own telegram, which made clear the Soviet position. The full text of the telegram reads:

Our consul in Shenyang, Ledovsky, has just sent us a telegram explaining Comrade Gao Gang's view that for the purpose of correct organization and transportation of military materials to the front, the Korean railroad should be managed by the Chinese command. From the consul's report, it is clear that Prime Minister Kim supports this idea, but the Korean ministers seem opposed to it. They believe this plan is detrimental to Korean sovereignty. If you need my opinion, and the opinion of the CPSU CC, then we feel we must tell you we completely support Comrade Gao Gang's opinion. In order to proceed smoothly with the war of liberation, it is absolutely necessary to adopt this plan. In general, we believe that for the good of Korea itself, a more intimate national relationship must be built between Korea and China."78

Zhou immediately forwarded this telegram to Gao and Peng, telling them to "continue to strive to place the unified railroad maintenance command under the direction of the unified command or unified transportation command, or place the Korean railroad management bureau directly under the military management system." The Chinese representative could delay signing the document, and could invite the Korean Transportation Minister to Shenyang for further talks.79 Hereafter, the Chinese side became more uncompromising. On 16 April Zhou sent a message to Ni Zhiliang, forwarded to Kim, proposing "that in order to adapt to the needs of the war, the Korean Railroad must be placed under a unified military command system,"80 On 4 May, the two sides concluded 'An Agreement Concerning Military Control of the Korean Railroad During the War,' which clearly stipulated the rules governing the management system and the organization and allocation of transportation resources. In July the Korean Railway Military Management Central Bureau was accordingly established, responsible for the management, organization, and implementation of rail transportation in the Korean War zone. Five branch bureaus were also established, staffed by a total of 12,000 Chinese volunteers. On 1 August, the Sino-Korean Joint Railroad Transportation Command was established in Shenyang, and in November the Frontline Transportation Command was established in Anju, responsible for directing and coordinating the work of the Chief Military Management Bureau, the Railway Maintenance Management Group, and the Railroad Artillery Group. The railway corps was increased to 4 divisions, 3 regiments, and a Volunteer Engineering Brigade, for a total of 52,000 men. From this time on, under unified direction and organiza

tion, the railroad transportation forces, maintenance forces, and high artillery forces cooperated closely, acted in concert, and adopted the approach of "using concentration to fight concentration" and "using mobility to fight mobility." This greatly improved the efficiency of transportation.81

The issue of railroad jurisdiction was a unique problem among the various causes of Sino-Korean tension, because it involved North Korean sovereignty and internal affairs. Peng Dehuai did not evade acknowledging this, even when he suffered criticism in 1959. However, as Peng emphasized, in the wartime situation it was impossible to avoid placing

POW problem too quickly "could only lead to a weakening of Sino-Korean forces. Li Kenong believes that if they do not mobilize the forces of international opinion, and do not prepare for a protracted war, the Americans will not yield. Comrade Mao shares this same judgment about the prospect of negotiations, and has given Li Kenong these directions: 'Only by adopting an unyielding position can you win the initiative and force the enemy to yield. To achieve these objectives, you should prepare for a test of strength against the enemy through several more months of negotiation."""86

By 2 May, the negotiators at Panmunjom had reached

the railroads under military management. Moreover, the rail lines were returned to Korean control immediately after the armistice was signed.82 However, the way the Chinese, backed by the Soviets, forced the North Koreans to accept their views left a shadow on the heart of Kim Il Sung.

The Opportunity for a Cease-Fire

In the second half of 1952, when the two opposing sides in the war had basically reached a balance of power, the ceasefire negotiations at Panmunjom became deadlocked over the issue of voluntary repatriation of prisoners of war, the question Mao initially thought would be the easiest to solve.83 Stalin, who viewed the war in Korea in terms of his global Cold War strategy, encouraged Mao to continue fighting, and by no means to capitulate during peace negotiations. The North Koreans, however, advocated signing an armistice as soon as possible because of the severe losses they were suffering from American bombing. In February 1952 Kim❘ told Mao bluntly that he had "no desire to continue the war."'84

Soviet Ambassador Razuvaev reported to Moscow in early 1952 that "when Kim was discussing the reasons for the deadlocked negotiations with [DPRK negotiator] Nam II, he advocated signing the cease-fire agreement and turning over all unsolved problems to a political meeting for further research." According to Kim, "delaying negotiations was not beneficial, because the US Air Force was continuing to inflict damage on the DPRK. He does not see the rationale behind continuing the debate over POWs, because this debate is now leading to great losses." Moreover, Kim believed that most of the Chinese POWs were former soldiers of Chiang Kai-shek's [Jiang Jieshi] army, and were thus politically unreliable. Therefore, "expending a lot of effort on them is somewhat meaningless." Kim instructed Nam Il "to get a clear sense of the Chinese attitude on this question," and suggested making concessions on the POW problem "in the name of [PRC negotiator] Li Kenong." 85

The Chinese concerns were quite different. Razuvaev reported that the Chinese leaders worried that much of the Soviet military aid would decrease or cease altogether once the war ended. They therefore believed that resolving the

agreement on four of the five points. However, with regard to the repatriation of POWs, the American side proposed returning only those who wished to go back, while the Chinese insisted upon the repatriation of all POWs. As a result, negotiations became deadlocked. Korean leaders had hoped that the Americans would sign a cease-fire agreement by May, and had planned to begin political and economic reconstruction work by the second half of 1952. They never expected the dispute over the POW issue to delay the negotiations so long. Razuvaev reported that "this has made the Korean leaders extremely disappointed." Kim suggested that the Chinese comrades make concessions on the POW issue and strive for a cease-fire agreement.87 On 13 July, after ignoring repeated concessions by the Chinese and North Koreans (including dropping demands for full repatriation of POWs), the US suggested a repatriation of 83,000 men, a total which included 80 percent of the men captured from the KPA and 32 percent of those captured from the CVA).88 They claimed that this was their final, unalterable offer. The Chinese and Koreans were forced to make a decision.

The Chinese leaders were very resolute in their position. On 15 July Mao sent a telegram to Kim saying that in the face of the horrific bombardment by the enemy, to accept the enemy's offer, which was provocative and seductive but represented no real concessions, would be extremely disadvantageous for the Sino-Korean side, both politically and militarily. Although continuing the war would mean continued destruction for the Korean people and the CVA, the Chinese and Korean people were growing stronger with the war and were strengthening the cause of peace throughout the world. The war was keeping the Americans tied down in East Asia and was draining their strength, while Soviet reconstruction grew stronger, thus promoting the development of people's revolutions in all countries and delaying the outbreak of another world war. Mao guaranteed that the Chinese people would give all possible help to the Korean people to resolve their difficulties. In sum "to accept the proposals of the enemy in the present situation will inevitably make the enemy even more ambitious and undermine our prestige." Finally, Mao told Kim that he would relay the Koreans' pro

posal to Stalin and request his recommendations.89 On the same day however, Mao sent a telegram to Stalin informing the Soviet leader that the Chinese "resolutely refuse this provocative and seductive plan of the enemy and are prepared to expand the war. Kim Il Sung does not agree with this proposal."90

Two days later Kim capitulated, endorsing Mao's analysis of the situation and thanking China for its promise of full support. However, in a telegram to Stalin that same day, Kim complained that because of poor defensive strategy, Korean cities and their citizens were suffering great losses from enemy bombing. Although he agreed with Mao's viewpoints,

Communist Officers at the Kaesong Peace Talks

Source: National Archives

he still hoped for a quick cease-fire. "We must quickly and resolutely negotiate a cease-fire, stop actual fighting and exchange all prisoners in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. These demands are supported by all peace-loving people and will rescue us from our present passive position."92

Part of the reason the two sides differed in their views on resolving the POW issue was the different policies they held toward POW's in general. Due to China's recent civil war and its lack of experience in international conflict, from the very beginning of the war the Chinese did not want to detain POWs. On 17 November 1950, Peng Dehuai sent a telegram to the Central Military Commission saying he was preparing to release one hundred POWs before the start of his campaign. On the eighteenth Mao replied that "releasing a group of POWs is a very good idea. From now on, to periodically release POWs, you do not need my permission."3 In actuality, the number of POWs the Chinese held was comparatively small. In November 1951, the Chinese and Koreans decided that the KPA would be responsible for South Korean POWs, while the CVA would handle POWs from other countries.94 Thus, the small number of POWs in CVA custody limited

Chinese influence on the issue during the negotiations and was one reason Beijing demanded full repatriation.

By contrast, because of their need for labor after the war, the Koreans secretly detained large numbers of POWS. According to reports from Ambassador Razuvaev, “the Korean comrades believed that it would be better to retain large numbers of South Korean POWs, without considering their wish to return home." As a result, they detained 13,094 of Syngman Rhee's troops. Of those, 6,430 men served in the KPA, doing various work for the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Railroad Ministry. They also detained 42,262 South Korean POWs who were "mobilized" in the early stages of the war for service in the KPA.95 Under these circumstances, the Korean leaders could hardly call for "full repatriation.”

The issue was ultimately resolved in Moscow. In a 15 July telegram, Mao wrote Stalin "in the American plan, the proportion for the two sides was extremely unequal. The enemy is attempting to use this to break the wartime unity of the Korean and Chinese people. It would be extremely disadvantageous for us to submit to the enemy's pressure." Mao declared that even if talks broke down he would not concede, "because this is a question of politics, not just for Korea and China; it also has repercussions for the entire revolutionary "96 Two days later Stalin replied in a telegram to Mao, "Your position regarding the peace negotiations is completely correct."97

9996

In August and September, Zhou Enlai had several discussions with Stalin in Moscow, joined in the later meetings by Kim Il Sung, Pak Hon-yong, and Peng Dehuai. Besides questions of Chinese economic development, the conversations focused on finalizing policy regarding the war. Zhou stated that the Sino-Korean forces are strong enough to launch longer offensives and had entrenched themselves well enough to withstand bombing raids. Regarding the POW issue, Stalin first pointed out that the Americans wanted to solve the issue according to their own wishes, whereas according to international law, hostile parties must repatriate all POWs, with the exception of war criminals. Stalin asked what Mao thought about the POW issue "Will he give in or will he hold his own?"98

Zhou stated that the Koreans and Chinese had differing opinions on the matter, and that Mao's viewpoint was that the Americans must repatriate all POWS. "The Koreans believe that the continuation of the war is not advantageous because the daily losses are greater than the number of POWS whose return is being discussed." Mao, on the other hand, "believes that continuing the war is advantageous to us, since it detracts the USA from preparing for a new world war." Stalin immediately affirmed that "Mao is right; this war is getting on America's nerves. The North Koreans have lost nothing, except for casualties that they suffered during the war." Stalin also touched a nerve with Chinese leaders by reminding Zhou that "one must be firm when dealing with America. The Chinese comrades must know that if America does not lose this war, then China will never recapture Taiwan." Concerning the resolution of the POW question, Stalin and Zhou agreed to continue calling for full repatriation, and