that our party supports Cde. Dubček and the new leadership and is doing everything to help them remedy the situation and thereby strengthen the positions of the new leadership. We urged them to realize that the current leaders of the KSČ❘ have an enormous responsibility for the fate of socialism in Czechoslovakia and for ensuring the proper internal policy and foreign policy line of the KSČ.

Our delegation declared that the CPSU will not remain indifferent to the course of events. The Soviet Union and other socialist countries are taking all necessary measures to forestall the victory of counterrevolution.

The prospects for wider economic cooperation between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union and other socialist countries were also discussed in Dresden, and it was proposed that this matter be considered at the highest level in the near future.

All the delegations of the fraternal socialist countries completely supported and endorsed our assessment and candidly told the KSČ officials about their alarm at the situation in Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovak comrades acknowledged that the situation in the republic is complex, but they declared that Czechoslovakia is not turning away from the socialist path and will maintain a policy of friendship with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. It also will uphold its obligations to the Warsaw Pact.51

The meeting in Dresden was timely and worthwhile. It helped the Czechoslovak comrades correctly grasp the situation in their country, and it had a significant effect on the proceedings and results of the recent KSČ CC Plenum. Just after the Conference, some KSČ leaders said that for them Dresden was a learning experience and that the Soviet comrades were absolutely correct when they warned about the threat of counterrevolution.

It must be said that the recent CC Plenum of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia showed that the party leadership is striving to regain control of events and focus the party's attention and the attention of all workers on the fulfillment of positive tasks of socialist construction.52

The resolutions of the KSČ CC Plenum draw attention to the necessity of increasing the leading role of the party in the country. They also refer to the great importance of the activity of all organs of the party and state apparat, including the army and state security organs.

But some leading officials at the Plenum, and even Cde. Dubček, to varying degrees supported the demands that are now fashionable in Czechoslovakia for comprehensive "liberalization." It must be said that overall Cde. Dubček's speeches, despite some negative points, provided a better sense that the KSČ leadership understands the necessity of waging a struggle against anti-socialist forces.

In the near future it will be evident to what extent the resolutions of this KSČ CC Plenum can help shift events in the country back onto the right path.

However, even after the KSČ CC Plenum, the situation in the country remains extremely complicated. The revisionist and right-wing opportunist elements, styling themselves as "progressives," continue to attack the party and denigrate

the achievements of socialism in the name of "renewal" and "democratic development." They are exploiting the press, radio, and television to further their anti-party aims, having planted anti-socialist and Zionist elements in the mass media.

Recently on 13 April, to be exact-the central organ of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, “Rudé právo,” published a long article by someone named Kaplan.53 The author claims that the time has come to reexamine the party from its very roots. "This is an important step," he writes. "Changes should be made in all the policy-making procedures. The country's policies must be determined by the whole society, not just by one small part of it" (i.e., the party). Further on, Kaplan says that "all progressive forces have not yet had their say. Non-Communists must play an important role in the political and social life of the country and be able to influence the elections of political leaders." And this has been published repeatedly in the official organ of the Communist Party after the KSČ CC Plenum!

In the same newspaper someone named Šulc writes that the "new policy" cannot be devised by the "old people."54

These pronouncements are being made in defiance of statements by certain members of the KSČ CC Presidium, who are calling for the "hysteria surrounding specific cases of rehabilitation to be condemned." They emphasize that the party cannot permit a mass exodus of officials and must support honest party workers. Šulc believes that "the issue here is not only about a ‘changing of the guard,' when everything else remains the same, but about the beginning of fundamental changes in the party and society."

The newspaper "Práce," which generally has embraced anti-socialist positions, featured an article claiming that if matters are to be decided by a universal vote, it is doubtful that the KSČ has the right to continue to lead the society.55

The failure of the Communist Party to put up a struggle against the revisionist and anti-socialist elements, and the discussions by Communists about "democratization" and "liberalization," have been skillfully exploited by the enemies of socialism to reinforce their activities. Of late, the People's (Catholic) Party and National Socialist Party have been increasingly active. Until recently, these parties did not have primary organizations, but now they have set them up. It is sufficient to note that in the past three months alone, the People's Party has expanded by 100,000 members and is already demanding to be given not just one but several posts in the government.

56

We increasingly find in the press, radio, and television, and in speeches at gatherings of intellectuals and students, calls for "renewal." They explain that these statements are in support of a return to the republic of Masaryk and Beneš that is, a bourgeois republic under the guise of "socialism."7

The events in Czechoslovakia show that hostile elements in that country are being directed by a skillful hand from abroad. It has become known that since 1966, the West German and American governments have made an enormous effort in Czechoslovak society to undermine the authority and influence of the KSČ leadership headed by Cde. Novotný.

Petro Shelest

Source: National Archives

By skillfully manipulating the nationalist sentiments of Slovaks and Czechs and the discontent of various strata of the population with violations of "democracy"-discontent that is particularly acute among certain members of the intelligentsia and youth-they have succeeded in intensifying the struggle against leading figures in the party and state.

The US and West German imperialists are following a cautious policy and are deftly using all channels of ideological and economic influence to achieve a further weakening of the role of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in the state affairs and political life of the country and to provoke a gradual schism between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union. To this end, they propose to continue a broad campaign justifying and supporting demands about the necessity of carrying out fundamental reforms in the country, establishing a multiparty or at least two-party system in Czechoslovakia, and granting automatic rehabilitation to all those who were earlier convicted.

The revanchists from the Federal Republic of Germany are even proposing to give Czechoslovakia economic assistance of some 260 million marks to develop light industry and improve the population's living standards. 58 Ideological subversion and bribery of Czechoslovak citizens are increasing.

This policy is reflected in articles in the Czechoslovak press. On 10 April the weekly "Student" published a lecture by some professor named Sviták under the title "With a Head

59

Against the Wall," which he presented to students at Prague university. In this lecture he voiced the demand: "Support the workers' movement, but without any officials in the party apparatus; place intellectuals in charge of the movement."

His entire presentation reflected a malicious, anti-socialist orientation. He criticizes the entire political system of socialism, declaring that the "maximum program of the Communist Party is our minimum program," and that personnel changes in the leadership are of no interest to him. On the contrary, "we have a fundamental stake in adopting profound structural changes because they will clear the path to an open, socialist society."

Finishing his lecture, this sorry excuse for a professor declared: "The totalitarian dictatorship is our enemy no. 1. We must destroy this dictatorship, or it will destroy us."

Events in Czechoslovakia and to some extent in Poland confirm that the American and West German imperialists are using new and, I would say, step-by-step tactics. In Hungary in 1956 the imperialists urged the local reactionaries to embark on an armed attack to seize power, whereas in Czechoslovakia they are trying to establish a bourgeois order by "peaceful means." That is, they are trying gradually to change the situation so that the reactionaries can gradually seize one position after another. They are building up their forces with the aim of launching a battle-that is, achieving a majority of the votes-in the upcoming elections to the National Assembly.

There is already a serious danger that the People's and People's-Socialist Parties in Czechoslovakia will take part in the elections not as part of the National Front (as was done previously), but on the basis of their own demagogic platform in the hope of gaining more votes and demanding the creation of a coalition government, in which the main role will be played by reactionary forces seeking to restore the bourgeois order.

The rationale for this new tactic of imperialism has been explicated by one of the American "theoreticians" of psychological warfare, Margolin. He wrote that “in the future the role that artillery played in preparations for an infantry attack will be played by subversive propaganda. Its task is to destroy the enemy psychologically before the armed forces even begin to mobilize." The author argues that “this sort of strategy, if applied correctly, can achieve fantastic results."61

Whereas the imperialists and fascists used to speak openly about the destruction of socialism and the enslavement of the populations of other nations, bourgeois propaganda is now concealing its genuine aims by prattling on about "an increase in the material well-being of people," "unlimited democracy" and "freedom," and the "delights of the American way of life.”

Even the supervisors of that patently anti-Soviet broadcast station, Radio Liberty, have begun to claim that they are not anti-Soviet and not anti-Communists.62 They supposedly are interested only in the "development of democracy" and "equality among the Soviet republics," as well as "personal freedom."

commission, Cde. Mockovčiak.69

Cde. Koscelanský said it will also be necessary to replace a number of department heads. The sweeping replacement of leading personnel is motivated by the fact that a majority of them have already been in office a long time and are unable to respond properly to recent events. These people are now coming under heavy criticism, and the authority of the party is falling. The masses have demanded that new people be brought into the leadership, and as a result, the replacement of cadres needs to be completed.

According to Cde. Koscelanský, the delegates at the conference very warmly greeted the telegram that our party's Transcarpathian Oblast committee sent to the conference, regarding it as an important gesture of support from the Communists of the Soviet Union. They voted unanimously to thank the oblast committee for its telegram.

A bit later, Cde. Koscelanský spoke about the state of affairs in the country. He declared that the press, television, and radio are no longer subject to any kind of censorship. In this respect he said that literary figures and journalists are referring to a law adopted under feudalism that had specified there would be no censorship.70 So why should there be any censorship under socialism? The press, radio, and television have reached the point where they will criticize any leader for his views. Cde. Koscelanský said that the CC First Secretary of the Communist Party of Slovakia, Cde. Bilak, had been criticized openly in the press because he told a gathering of television producers and newspaper editors that they were not behaving properly.

In Moravia, the regional committee adopted a resolution condemning a particular newspaper's treacherous behavior. Afterwards, the newspaper in question criticized the regional committee until a new plenum was convened and the resolution was rescinded. The whole party conference proceeded through this largely reciprocal interaction between the regional committee and the newspaper.

I said to Cde. Koscelanský that I can't imagine why they are permitting immature people to spread propaganda among the population, and are not taking measures to control them. It's even possible to wage a public vendetta against any of the current leaders. In response, Cde. Koscelanský said that party officials should behave in a way that would not incur criticism from the masses or, naturally, the press. That's what you get, he said to me, when the CC organ “Rudé právo" is not controlled by the Central Committee and the editor-in-❘ chief. The question of what materials to publish is decided spontaneously by a number of editors."

Cde. Koscelanský insisted that the press is a great and nearly decisive force in society and deserves to be heeded. It gathers and formulates the views of the masses. Anyone who wants to work properly will need to have the support of the masses. Without this support, the CC could not have dismissed anyone from his post or brought in new officials. He then said that the principle of democratic centralism in the party is being violated. Many officials already are afraid of the press, radio, and television. The media reassess these people and begin to raise a fuss, and the officials themselves

are unable to do anything once they are called to account. We increasingly find a pattern in which people are first subjected to public criticism and then driven from their posts.

The growing disregard of the principle of democratic centralism is also evident from an example cited by Cde. Koscelanský. Cde. Koscelanský said that yesterday he had called the CC headquarters in Prague and informed them that a delegation of Ukrainian workers from Prešov had visited the regional committee and been received by a secretary of the regional committee, Ladislav Olexa. The CC Secretary with whom Cde. Koscelanský was speaking asked who this Ladislav Olexa is, since no one knows anything about him, and his candidacy has not been vetted by the Central Committee. So, you can see that, in defiance of common sense, officials are being appointed without any input from the highest party organs.

Many meetings are under way in the country, particularly meetings of students and workers. Cde. Koscelanský said that when he attended a meeting of students, he had been asked some 1,200 questions. In answering them, it was necessary to stick to the point, lest they start whistling, as happened with the rector of the university. Among the questions asked was whether the Transcarpathian region, having been taken illegally from Czechoslovakia, would be returned." I asked Cde. Koscelanský how he had responded to this question, but he avoided giving a direct answer.

Meetings have been taking place at factories to oppose the factory directors. Workers are demanding increased pay and are pressing all sorts of claims against the heads of the enterprises.

At the Košice metallurgical combine, for example, during one such meeting, the director, Cde. Knižka, was accused of receiving an excessively high salary, of owning a new car, of having a private room in the recreational facility, and of other such things. Newspapers all over the country covered this in full, and as a result, Cde. Knižka reached the point where he suddenly had a heart attack in Bratislava.

I said to Cde. Koscelanský that now you can see where "democracy" and the elimination of censorship are bound to lead. From the sidelines, it is easier to bellow and criticize than to work. And wouldn't you, too, be intimidated by this sort of vilification? As soon as you make a mistake, they use it to criticize you and dismiss you from your post. He agreed with me and said that during his remarks afterward at the factory meeting, he referred to these sorts of criticisms as "Chinese." At this particular enterprise, he declared, they've already convened meetings three times to elect the head of the trade union organization, but no one has been willing to be elected, for fear of incurring criticism. As far as Cde. Koscelanský himself is concerned, he said that he had made clear at one of the meetings that if they begin criticizing him, he will promptly react in full force.

At the meetings, assemblies, and conferences, a large number of questions were raised about events in both Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union. In connection with this, Cde. Koscelanský said that they write a great deal about these events in the capitalist countries, whereas in the socialist

countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, they are silent. He asked why this is so. I responded that, as far as I know, excerpts from Dubček's speech at the CC plenum and from the Action Program were published in "Pravda."74 I also said that "Pravda" is not able to cover other news from your country when you yourselves don't know what you want, and when the slogans proclaimed by you are not fulfilled.

Cde. Koscelanský said that ordinary people, particularly workers, always greet conversations about the USSR with stormy applause. Although there are some who oppose the Soviet Union, they do so in private and do not dare speak openly this way at meetings and assemblies.

Then Cde. Koscelanský described the recent visit by the president of the republic, Ludvík Svoboda, to Bratislava. He said the president had never encountered such a warm reception as he did here, especially among young people. Cde. Koscelanský emphasized that even though in Prague there had been demonstrations against the election of Svoboda as president, in Bratislava they had deliberately organized a wide range of meetings for the president so that the Czechs would not think the Slovaks were acting against them. At the end of May, Svoboda will visit the East Slovakian region, and they are now busy arranging for him the same sort of reception that he enjoyed in Bratislava.

Further on, Cde. Koscelanský emphasized that three forces have now emerged: the conservatives, the progressives, and the radicals (consisting mainly of Jews) who want to drag the country to the right. Among the radicals is a well-known economist, a Jew, who has broad international Zionist links (I don't recall his name).75 There was an attempt to bring him into the CC Presidium, but, Cde. Koscelanský said, the Soviet comrades were opposed to this, and so nothing came of it. Now this is one of the reasons that the radicals are calling ever more urgently for the convocation in 1968 of an extraordinary party congress.

76

In general, a great struggle has emerged around this question. In the Czech lands, the conferences adopted resolutions in favor of holding a congress this year. In Slovakia, they also voted in favor of holding a congress, but they did not specify when it should be held and did not indicate whether it should be an extraordinary congress or the regular 14th.

The views of the progressives and radicals about the congress are as follows: The radicals favor convening an extraordinary congress that will remove Novotný and other current CC members (roughly 40 people in all) from the CC because they are a disgrace to the party. The progressives believe that a congress must be convened, but not this year. It should come only after meticulous preparations that will allow a new program and new party statutes to be adopted. If an extraordinary congress were held prematurely, it might enable unsavory people to infiltrate the leadership.

In May, a plenum of the KSČ CC will be held, and the progressives want to gain a definitive understanding of the radicals' views about a congress. If the radicals' motive for convening a congress is only their desire to remove Novotný's group from the CC, that can be done at the ple

num: These people will voluntarily relinquish their duties as CC members, and replacements for them will be chosen from comrades who are now candidate members.

Cde. Koscelanský said that the provision in the constitution about the Communist Party's leading role in society will be removed. In response, I emphasized that in my view this would be extremely surprising and shocking, since it would be impossible to build socialism and Communism without the leading role of the party. In the process, new fullfledged parties will take shape, as cadres break apart and go their own way, and then seek to deprive the Communist Party of its leading role. In these circumstances, there will soon be 30 parties again in your country, as in the past. Why this is necessary is anyone's guess.

While agreeing that the number of parties might actually be increased, Cde. Koscelanský did not specifically address the other concerns I raised.

He repeated his earlier statements that true democracy is distinctive in that it does not provide for any kinds of secrets about matters that affect the party and the state. In this regard, everything that was discussed at the CC Plenums and at the party conferences was openly covered in the press, on radio, and on television.

At the end of the conversation, he said that political matters are not giving him any time to spend on other issues. For example, he does not know how economic matters and the spring harvest are progressing. He complained that they are working very hard and, in general, he was tired; he had put up with enough, and it would probably be better to be back at the institute delivering lectures than to be involved in politics.

We agreed that in view of the great value of these meetings, it would be worth setting up meetings of the CC secretaries of our republics—the Ukrainian and Slovak— on the Soviet-Czechoslovak border. He endorsed this proposal and said that on 3 May he would be meeting with Cde. Biľak and would inform him about our arrangement. This will be especially appropriate, he said, because Cde. Biľak is a native of our region but has not been back to East Slovakia since the day he was elected first secretary of the Slovakian CC."

Bidding farewell, I said we are convinced that the Czechoslovak Communist Party includes healthy forces who correctly understand how to deal with the situation and who want to guide the party and the country along a MarxistLeninist path. He responded that he had recently given an interview in which the correspondents asked how he viewed the prospects for carrying out the Action Program. He had answered this question by saying: "It would be good if we succeed in carrying out this Program." I, Cde. Koscelanský added, deliberately put in the word “if," because this might or might not happen.

My personal impression from the conversation with Cde. Koscelanský is that whereas during our previous meetings he had behaved with great animation and had spoken enthusiastically about future plans and prospects, this was no longer the case. It is clear that the notes of doubt and worry that I could detect in Cde. Koscelanský's remarks stem from