been widening." The minister of the coal industry expresses a similar concern and says:

That in the early 1960's the gap in mechanization between China's leading coal mines and the world's major coal-producing countries was not too large. However, it was widened later on. China is behind advanced world levels in labor productivity and other economic and technical indicators.18

The same concern about technology gaps is also evident in an interview with Chien San-chiang, deputy general secretary of the Academia Sinica. He stated to Tanjug News Agency "that compared to the level of science in the world today, China is between 10 and 20 years behind, varying from field to field. This gap was smaller in 1965, but it increased during the Cultural Revolution *

Given the present maldistribution of the global capacity for research and development a Chinese policy to stress the importation of technology of various kinds is apparently a logical choice. The Chinese R. & D. budget is estimated to be roughly 4.6 billion yuan which is only three times the Swedish allocations for the same purposes-in a country with one hundredth of the Chinese population. Seen in a global perspective the Chinese allocations of R. & D. resources is of the order of a couple of percent of the world's total spending.

Two important consequences follow from an assumed policy toward increasing use of foreign technology. First, the selection of foreign technology requires increased information about products and processes and such data must be screened, systematized and made available to large numbers who independently can evaluate and criticize what is potentially available. The need to closely follow developments abroad is also evident in scientific research on which Chou Pei-yuan said that the various disciplines are being knit ever more tightly together with leading fields and new branches of science rapidly developing. With this in view and the achievements abroad he underlined that vigorous academic exchange must be seen as an integral part of scientific research. So, he stressed that "research in every project must keep pace with latest developments, both domestic and international" 20

Second, the importation of foreign technology requires foreign exchange, which in the absence of long term credits or development assistance both being ruled out, requires a commensurate development of the export sector. At present Chinese exports mainly consist of agricultural produce, and minerals. The industrial goods exported are mainly competitive because of price rather than performance. Boosting the export sector would, aside from the policy decision to allocate investment resources, also require new, partly imported technology in order to reduce costs and improve product quality. Otherwise, China would use low-cost labor with low productivity in order to pay for the imported technology used elsewhere in the economy-a situation which might be accepted for a certain period of time. Thus, a dilemma is facing the Chinese planners. In order to pay for imported technology it may be necessary to import still more technology.

17 Minister interviewed on electronics industry prospects, NCNA, Nov. 16, 1977, BBC FE/5683/B11/10. 18 Chinese minister of coal industry on mechanization, Hsinhua News [Stockholm], 1978, No. 16 [Peking, Jan, 18, 1978).

10 Tanjug in English, Jan. 26, 1978 [BBC FE/5730/B11/12-the quotation marks refer to the text printed in the BBC summary of World Broadcasts].

20 Chou Pei-yuan calls for vigorous academic exchange (People's Daily, Feb. 6, 1978), Hsinhua News (Stockholm), 1978, No. 38.

Many developing countries accept joint ventures in order to get access to efficient foreign technologies. Other countries who want to have a better control of their development reject this but often accept various other schemes. The recent views on the subject in the U.S.S.R. can be seen from the following quotation.21

Product-payback schemes have also gained wide currency. Under these schemes, the socialist countries attract foreign credits for the construction of enterprises and eventually supply their creditors with a share of the products these turn out. Such credits are usually channeled into areas where the STR (scientific and technical revolution) is in full swing.

However, there is no indication that the Chinese leadership would, at least for the time being accept, even in high technology areas, such collaboration which might be beneficial in a narrow technical

sense.

There are in various Chinese statements a number of vague references to the technical revolution when discussing China's future in science and technology. The internationally well-known scientist Chien Hsueh-sen recently said that "modern science and technology is on the verge of major breakthroughs" and he sees electronic computers as one of the very important areas when he says that "we are faced with new technical revolutions".22 These quotations are from an interview with Hsinhua News Agency and he says later on, with reference to Mao, that the use of electricity in bringing about a concentration of industry and agriculture at the end of the last century was a technical revolution. Further, he sees atomic energy as constituting another technical revolution. He then poses two questions. "Is electronic computer technology a technical revolution? Should we actively promote this technical revolution?" He doesn't answer the questions but according to the Hsinhua correspondent "his view seemed to be very much in the affirmative". It might benefit the readers to have a few references to Soviet policy statements on the scientific and technical revolution.

In the U.S.S.R. a new [second] revolution in technology is seen as paving the way for a transition from mechanization to automationwith a closer integration with science. This is one of the elements in the Soviet view of the scientific and technical revolution. Automation appears to be instrumental to the development of an advanced chemical industry, the use of microtechnology, and the development of atomic energy. There may be many similarities but also a number of distinct and important differences with this view and the views on science and technology emerging in China over the past couple of

years.

The reasons for this are manifold. First, the Soviet Union is a planned economy which has a number of superficial similarities with China. Second, the U.S.S.R. stresses the significance of the scientific and technical revolutions in terms which are occasionally identical or similar to recent statements in China. Third, some foreign observers have pointed out that the People's Republic of China will approach the roads to technological modernization already taken by industrialized countries like the U.S.S. R. Consequently, the choice has been made to emphasize some of the similarities in the views on what and

31 Socialism and the scientific and technical revolution [25th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union], Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1977, p. 99.

Chien Hsueh-sen on modern science and technology (Peking, Feb. 10, 1978], Hsinhua (Stockholm], 1978, No. 36.

how science and technology is going to accomplish in the two countries. It is the author's hope that by pointing to similarities it is also possible to underline the distinct differences which exist between the two countries.

In an article on the scientific and technical revolution in the U.S.S.R. the well-known Soviet analyst, Julian Cooper, concludes that:

Soviet theorists see no necessary incompatibility between the use of technique developed under capitalism and the struggle to create a socialist society. That new technical means frequently involve organizational and other social changes not denied; what is denied is that the content and social meaning of these changes are uniquely determined by the fact that the innovations derive from a different social system.23

The concept of a scientific and technical revolution has been used in the U.S.S.R. since the mid-1950's and in the party programme it was first referred to in the program of 1961. The concept has been analyzed and discussed in great detail by a number of Soviet writers. Some of their views are conflicting and the reader should refer to the full article to get a better understanding of the debate. One of the groups makes a clear distinction between the technical revolution and the production revolution where the latter is growing out of the former following a successful social revolution on which Cooper makes the following clarification:

The production revolution marks the transition to a new technological mode of production, five of which are identified: simple craft production associated with agriculture, simple craft production separate from agriculture, manufacture, machine-factory production, and comprehensively automated production characteristic of communist society.

Others differ on this and maintain that this approach is shortsighted because mechanical technology is near the limits of its potentialities and automation of such technology cannot give rise to any significant improvement in its productivity and maintains

that

The possibilities of mechanical implements of labor are nearing exhaustion, and as a result the process of transition to the application of various types of nonmechanical technology has begun. These nonmechanical forms of movement of matter (at molecular, atomic, and subatomic levels) can only be used technologically if control functions are transferred to technical means. This combination of nonmechanical technology with the principles of automatic control will permit the achievement of a fundamental change in the productivity of technique.

An elaboration of this point is that the scientific and technical revolution can be better understood as a revolution in the control of the natural processes involved in manufacturing processes or even as revolution in the control of processes. This is a viewpoint which comes closer to the Chinese emphasis on petrochemical industry, computer technology, and space projects.

An important element of the Soviet theory of the scientific and technical revolution is the process of the transformation of science into a direct productive force. Cooper points out that there exists in the U.S.S.R. two opposing views. The first sees science as an ideal force of knowledge so that it "should be regarded as a direct productive force on its own account without the mediation of technique." The other view is that science can only become a productive force

"Cooper, Julian M., "The Scientific and Technical Revolution in Soviet Theory in Technology and Communist Culture," Fleron, Frederic J. Praeger, [ed.], New York, 1977.

through technology or people engaged in production. Consequently, it cannot be seen as an independent element but only as knowledge materialized in the material productive forces. In summing up the scanty references made to a major article I will again quote Cooper:

all agree that science is to an ever-greater extent being transformed into a direct productive force and that the STR gives rise to profound social consequences, above all connected with the changing place of the worker in the production process. Finally, all contributors accept that the outcome of the STR depends on the nature of the social relations of the society in which it is taking place."

A similar point is stated by Yuan Pao-hua, Vice Minister of the State Planning Commission. At the National Conference For Exchanging Experience on Technical Innovations in Industry and Communications held at Yentai, Shantung, January 15-22, 1978, he said when discussing "conservative ideas" about new technology "that ideological hindrances of all forms should be removed." The exact meaning of an expression like this is still to be clarified and may not necessarily have any deeper significance. But, those who have in the past been mainly concerned with ideological or political matters with little contact with modern science and technology may have to engage in some studies in order to understand the role of science and technology. The same Minister, Yuan Pao-hua, indicated that implementing the technology and science programs requires the training of those directly or indirectly concerned: 25

We must launch a movement to learn modern science and technology in the whole Party and among the people throughout the country. In the next few years all technical personnel, cadres and workers should receive a period of training and technical study should be made a regular practice. Cadres in leading positions should set the pace in this and take personal responsibility for popularizing new techniques.

What are the political implications if any, of the changes in technology policy. Here I would like to refer to Dernberger who says that:

The radicals, ... using the Soviet experiences as an example, realize that the moderates' economic policies may well involve the creation and entrenchment in Chines society of social values and behaviour that are antagonistic to the objectives of achieving a true socialist society so much so that this objective is not only postponed but eventually eliminated.

This Chinese version of the science and technology revolution has its expression in their education policies. Many foreign observers have voiced the concern that the system of examination and selection for colleges and universities will create an elite in China. In an interview with "a leading member of the Ministry of Education," distributed by NCNA, this notion is refuted.26 It is admitted that, for the time being, only a limited number of students can get the opportunity to go on to university studies. But in making the selection it is seen natural to use examinations and priority is given to worker-peasant candidates, or candidates from similar family backgrounds when their qualifications are more or less similar. Certain specialized institutions like agricultural, medical, and teachers' colleges "pay attention to admitting agrotechnical enthusiasts, barefoot doctors, and local school teachers." In addition, some colleges undertake the training of people

24 Cooper, Julian M., "The Scientific and Technical Revolution in Soviet Theory in Technology and Communist Culture." Fleron, Frederic J. Praeger, (ed.), New York, 1977.

25 Vice Minister of Planning Commission on Adoption of Advanced Technology, IIsin ua News [Stockholm], 1978, No. 25 [Tsinan, Jan. 29, 1978].

26 "The Educational Reforms and Prevention of Elitism," NCNA, Feb. 11, 1978, BBC FF/5739/B11/2.

for rural communes with students going back to their communes after graduation.

Another important fact is that wages are low for the "millions of qualified college students" who have been trained after 1949. Their wages are almost the same or only slightly higher than their worker counterparts, with at present less than 100 yuan for the earliest graduates of the period and around 40 yuan for the more recent graduates. The average wages for industrial workers is in the region of 60 yuan with a span of 3 to 1.

The questions of elitism and the possibility that elite groups in the Chinese society develop into privileged classes is naturally related to the questions of urban-rural relations, income inequality, professionalism, and the rates of development in industry and agriculture and the terms of trade between these two major sectors of the economy. However, most important may be the questions related to the rapid development of the quaternary sector and the attitudes of those who make up that sector.27 Within that sector is found the bulk of the decisionmaking activity, administrative services, and research. This fourth sector can be seen in parallel to the other three major sectorsraw materials production, manufacturing, and services. The sector plays an important role in all advanced economies because success in most economic fields is dependent on administrative expertise particularly in the development of industrial goods. Even the production of public goods and services increasingly requires specialist administrative guidance and coordination.

A related question is the need to standardize industrial products and mass produce them. Farm machinery is manufactured in a large number of plants and the call to stop the disorderly production of some farm machinery no doubt is likely to mean that part of the rural industrial structure will be reorganized. This relates particularly to the engineering sector of local industries and it is now declared that "The problem where parts for farm machines of identical numbers are not interchangeable must be solved." 28 This is of course a clear indication the sector will receive much more attention from the central authorities and coordination measures will be implemented in order to organize the farm machinery for mass production. The resulting changes will, it is hoped, make it possible to raise the quality of products, cut production costs, and make operation and maintenance easy in the countryside.

The tasks carried out within the quarternary sector can be categorized as higher level administration and would include formulation of ideas, exchange of ideas, exchange and processing of information, planning, management, and coordination. It can be seen that those engaged in such activities make up a large proportion of the group intellectuals. Many of them may only vaguely relate to workers and peasants except, through family background. With an increasing emphasis on professionalism and specialization and a subsequent reduction in requirements for manual labor many of those who make up the quarternary sector may tend to look upon themselves as superior. Compounding the problem is the fact that specialization

27 I am indebted to Tommy Carlstein for sharing a preprint copy of "The Study of Activities in the Quaternary Sector," by Lars-Olof Olander and Tommy Carlstein, to appear in Carlstein, Tommy, Parkes, Don and Thrift, Nigel, eds., "Human Activity and Time Geography," Timiny Space and Spacing Time, vol. 2, Edward Arnold Publishers, Ltd., London.

National Conference on Agricultural Mechanization, NCNA, Jan. 4, 1978, BBC FE/5707/B11/7.