the Arab bloc. This makes it all the more important to disengage our own and our allies' forces in Korea and rely on South Koreans more and more. For that reason, the Secretary said, he would not be inclined to put increased pressure on the British, for they may need all the force at their disposal to meet the crisis in the Middle East. Senator Knowland asked how the British could justify even one gallon of oil going to the Chinese Communists in light of their par in the Korean war. The Secretary replied that we have a very basi problem with the British who still recognize the Government of Corr munist China. The problem persists not only in British Labor circl but in the Churchill government circles as well. On the other han in private conversations with our people, both Eden and Church.. have been sympathetic with our position concerning Formosa. Pub opinion in Britain, however, takes another view, and politically, the problem is a thorny one. Their majority in the House of Commons s so slight and opinion within the Churchill government so divide that no immediate solution can be arrived at.

Senator Smith remarked that the British are reluctant to reappraise their position for if they did, they would probably come out about where we are. So far as Chinese coastal trade is concerned. we could furnish patrol boats and other light craft, we might be ab to ease the situation, for the bulk of this trade is in military ent items. Estimated Chinese imports for 1952 ranged from 1% to billion tons, consisting mainly of petroleum, chemicals, drugs, etc. the Secretary reported, and he continued by saying that the Tran Siberian Railroad could pick up some trade intercepted by sea an that would have nuisance value in that it would put a strain o Soviet rolling stock. Any proposed blockade would have to be figure! in terms of overall effect-global wise-rather than an immedia bettering of our position in Korea.

The Secretary, in speaking of his recent visits to European cap tols, said that the French were very much disturbed about certa parts of President Eisenhower's State of the Union message. Yet. said, when he showed them how certain measures, if put into effe. might aid in winding up the fighting in Indo-China, they seen! pleased. India, however, would not react favorably to a blockade ar other drastic action.

Senator Sparkman stated that Congressman Battle had recen urged that a careful examination of the situation be made before! slapping on any embargo. To this Secretary Dulles said that we s create the impression that we are really serious about tightening without at the same time enlarging the war. Senator Sparkmu| inquired if we intend to be cautious about consulting with our all before initiating new policies, for he expressed the view that it w dangerous to even talk about going it alone.

The Secretary said that it is extremely difficult to find precis the right course, for the dilemma confronting us is that of allies 20 Europe who are, in a sense, old, tired, worn out, and almost willing to buy peace in order to have a few years more of rest. The leaders. of the world has passed to us, and the free world will only be saved if it gets out of us what is lacking in the rest of the world. We h to avoid going so fast they can't keep up with us.

Senator Smith inquired if any assurances had been given our allies in that direction, and the Secretary replied that none have been given by the Eisenhower administration. Our allies are particularly anxious for assurances that we will not use atomic weapons from British bases without British consent-as well as from other areas. They want assurances that we will not take major action anywhere without prior consultation. The Secretary added that we already have a good deal of quiet consultation with the governments concerned and that our relations with them are much better than would appear on the surface and from the press. If our negotiations were formalized, on the other hand, we would not be free to exert pressures here and there, such as: "If you won't go along with us, then we'll just have to push ahead anyway."

MINUTES

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1953

UNITED STATES SENATE,
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS,

Washington, D.C.

The committee met at 11 a.m. in executive session.

Present: Chairman Wiley, Senators Smith, Hickenlooper, Tober, Taft, Langer, Ferguson and Knowland, George, Green, Fulbright. Sparkman, Gillette, and Mansfield.

The committee first considered the nomination of Mrs. Clare Boothe Luce as Ambassador of the United States to Italy. Mrs. Luce was called to testify.

The committee then considered the nomination of C. Douglas Dillon as Ambassador of the United States to France. Mr. Dillor was present and testified.

No final action was taken on the nomination. It was expected tha the committee probably would meet later in the week in connection with them.

The committee considered a suggestion of the chairman that wher nominations reach the Senate and are referred to the Committee or Foreign Relations, action in committee be delayed a week, the rule to apply to nominations of Ambassadors, Ministers and the highes echelon of the Department of State. Senator Langer made a motion that the delay be held to 6 days. This motion was carried by a showing of hands. Senator Hickenlooper voted against the adoption of the rule.

The committee considered fixing a meeting day of the committee. It was agreed that Tuesday would be the day.

A subcommittee will be set up to consider S.J. Res. 2, relating to executive agreements. The members were not named.

S. Res. 70, remonstrating against the persecution of Jewish people in Soviet Russia, introduced February 16, 1953, was referred to t committee today. The committee will consider the resolution and will modify it.

For record of proceedings, see official transcript.
The committee adjourned at 1 p.m.

PERSECUTION OF MINORITIES IN THE SOVIET UNION1

[Editor's note: As a result of reports of anti-Semitic purges behind the Iron Curtain, a number of resolutions were introduced in the House and Senate condemning these acts. The committee had before it two resolutions, Senate Resolutions 70 and 71, expressing the concern of the Senate about these persecutions. A subcommittee appointed to consider them decided to broaden the terms of the condemnation to include persecution by the Soviet Union of all minority groups, religious and racial, and recommended to the full Committee an original resolution to that end. The committee adopted the draft resolution on February 25 and it was reported as S. Res. 84 on that date. The Senate approved the resolution on February 27.]

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1953

UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, D.C.

The committee met, pursuant to call, at 10:30 a.m., in the Foreign Relations Committee Room, U.S. Capitol Building, Senator Alexander Wiley (chairman) presiding.

Present: Šenators Wiley (chairman), Smith of New Jersey, Hickenlooper, Taft, Langer, Ferguson, Knowland, George, Fulbright, Sparkman, Gillette, Humphrey, and Mansfield.

Also present: Dr. Wilcox, Dr. Kalijarvi, Mr. Marcy, Mr. Holt, Mr. O'Day, and Mr. Cahn, of the committee staff.

[The committee first ordered reported the nominations of Mrs. Clare Boothe Luce to be Ambassador to Italy, Mr. C. Douglas Dillon to be Ambassador to France, James C. Dunn to be Ambassador to Spain, Karl L. Rankin to be Ambassador to Nationalist China and John M. Cabot to be Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs. Resolutions relating to Soviet anti-Semitism were then taken up.]

PROCEDURE ON THE RESOLUTIONS

The CHAIRMAN. A subcommittee was appointed with respect to the anti-Semitism resolutions. This morning we had a letter written, a communication from the State Department, and also a suggested resolution which, in substance, takes in a number of the persecuted nationalities, and so forth.

We have these two matters up. Do you want this anti-Semitism resolution to be discussed here at this committee or, Senator Taft, you are chairman of that committee, which includes Senators Knowland, Fulbright, and Gillette as the other members-I think this morning you suggested you did want to have some open discussion. Senator TAFT. Well, I read to those who were here the letter from [Thruston] Morton with a draft resolution, which includes everybody. How far that will defend the Jews, I do not know.

1 See appendix B.

* Assistant Secretary of State for Congressional Relations.

It does seem to me that the proposed resolution seems to be all right except instead of "Jewish people," I would say "people of the Jewish faith" as he does in his letter.

Senator FERGUSON. How does it read, has it been read before!

COMMUNICATION FROM THE STATE DEPARTMENT

Senator TAFT. Yes. This is the suggestion from Thruston Morton, who first stated the Department's opinion, that:

The recent arrests and acts of the Soviet Union and its satellite states against those of the Jewish faith [are] additional manifestations of the inhuman policy which has been pursued toward most minority groups living within the ster confines of these totalitarian regimes. During the past years the Free World has witnessed the atheistic harshness of the Soviet-dominated states directed at different times to the persecution of the Greek Orthodox congregations, the imprisonment of Roman Catholic prelates, the oppression of Moslem communities, and the harassing of Protestant churches. The present wave of persecutions is the most recent of a long list.

The Department of State intends to see that this latest of the cruel persecu tions of religious and racial minorities behind the Iron Curtain is fully dis cussed in the forthcoming General Assembly of the United Nations. We are now considering how the matter should be dealt with at the General Assembly.

In the light of the considerations set forth above, the Department believes that it would be unwise for the Senate to approve S. Res. 70 or S. Res. 71 in their present form. The passage of either resolution, singling out those of the Jewish faith, might well accelerate the very forces which the Free World would like to see halted and set back our efforts to bring about more peaceful conditions in the Near East. The Department would prefer to see passed a resolution in which the Senate indicated its condemnation not only of the recent violence against those of the Jewish faith, but also of the vicious and inhuman cam paigns conducted against the other minority groups referred to in paragraph 3 above.

Then the draft resolution is as follows:

Resolved, that it is the sense of the Senate of the United States that the vicious and inhuman campaigns conducted by the Soviet Union and its satellite states against minority groups, such as the persecution of Greek Orthodox congregations, the imprisonment of Roman Catholic prelates, the harassment of protestant churches, the oppression of Moslem communities, the scattering of the Baltic peoples and, most recently, the persecution of Jewish people deserve the strongest condemnation.

Senator HUMPHREY. I think that is good.

Senator SMITH. You change that to "of the Jewish faith"?

Senator TAFT. I think rather than "Jewish people," it should be "people of the Jewish faith," because the letter says "people of the Jewish faith.”

SHOULD OTHER GROUPS BE INCLUDED?

Senator FULBRIGHT. Do you think you ought to mention the Poles? I mean, there are several others, as long as you have undertaken to i mention them.

Senator SMITH. That is the question.

Senator FULBRIGHT. How about the Ukrainians, as long as you go out to mention the whole lot? You might mention them.

Senator TAFT. You might leave out the "scattering of the Baltic peoples," because if you put that all in, the others are all religious