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those conditions of peace and stability in the world which are essential if the United Nations is to function successfully.

(5) It is wholly consistent with our Constitution and stipulates that all its provisions shall be carried out in accordance with the constitutional processes of the participating countries.

(6) The treaty is in accordance with the basic interests of the United States, which should be steadfastly served regardless of fluctuations in the international situation or our relations with any country.

(7) In strengthening the security of the North Atlantic area the treaty greatly increases the national security of the United States. (8) It is strictly in accordance with the Senate's recommendation, expressed last year in Senate Resolution 239, that the United States should associate itself with collective defense arrangements and thus contribute to the maintenance of peace by making clear its determination to defend itself against any armed attack affecting its national security.

(9) The treaty will greatly increase the determination of the North Atlantic states to resist aggression and their confidence that they can successfully do so.

(10) It will free the minds of men in many nations from a haunting sense of insecurity and enable them to work and plan with that confidence in the future which is essential to economic recovery and progress.

(11) By encouraging this feeling of confidence and security it should eventually make possible substantial savings for the United States both in connection with the European recovery program and our domestic Military Establishment.

(12) The treaty is essential to the development of that degree of unity and security among the North Atlantic states which will make possible the reintegration of Germany into western Europe and the ultimate solution of the German problem.

(13) It will greatly stimulate the efforts of the North Atlantic states to help them selves and to help each other and, through proper coordination of these efforts, to achieve maximum benefits with minimum costs and bring far greater strength than could be achieved by each acting alone.

(14) In the event our efforts for peace are undermined and war is imposed upon us, the treaty assures us that 11 other nations will stand with us to defend our freedom and our civilization.

(15) The treaty is not confined to the prevention of war but reflects the will of the participating nations to strengthen the moral and material foundations of lasting peace and freedom.

* * *

In tendering this unanimous report on the North Atlantic Treaty, we do so in furtherance of our Nation's most precious heritage shared in common with the other signatories-continuing faith in our dependence upon Almighty God and His guidance in the affairs of men and nations.

230. SENATE RESOLUTION APPROVING THE ACTION OF THE UNITED STATES IN COOPERATING IN THE COMMON DEFENSE EFFORTS OF THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY NATIONS, APRIL 4, 19511

Whereas the foreign policy and military strength of the United States are dedicated to the protection of our national security, the preservation of the liberties of the American people, and the maintenance of world peace; and Whereas the North Atlantic Treaty, approved by the Senate by a vote of 82-13, is a major and historic act designed to build up the collective strength of the free peoples of the earth to resist aggression, and to preserve world peace; and

Whereas the security of the United States and its citizens is involved with the security of its partners under the North Atlantic Treaty, and the commitments of that treaty are therefore an essential part of the foreign policy of the United States; and

Whereas article 3 of the North Atlantic Treaty pledges that the United States and the other parties thereto "separately and jointly, by means of continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid, will maintain and develop their individual and collective capacity to resist armed attack"; and

Whereas recent events have threatened world peace and as a result all parties to the North Atlantic Treaty are individually and collectively mobilizing their productive capacities and manpower for their self-defense; and

Whereas the free nations of Europe are vital centers of civilization, freedom, and production, and their subjugation by totalitarian forces would weaken and endanger the defensive capacity of the United States and the other free nations; and

Whereas the success of our common defense effort under a unified command requires the vigorous action and the full cooperation of all treaty partners in the supplying of materials and men on a fair and equitable basis, and General Eisenhower has testified that the "bulk" of the land forces should be supplied by our European allies and that such numbers supplied should be the "major fraction" of the total number: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That

1. the Senate approves the action of the President of the United States in cooperating in the common defense effort of the North Atlantic Treaty nations by designating, at their unanimous request, General of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower as Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, and in placing Armed Forces of the United States in Europe under his command;

2. it is the belief of the Serate that the threat to the security of the United States and our North Atlantic Treaty partners makes it necessary for the United States to station abroad such units of our Armed Forces as may be necessary and appropriate to contribute our fair share of the forces needed for the joint defense of the North Atlantic area;

3. it is the sense of the Senate that the President of the United States as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, before taking action to sent units of ground troops to Europe under article 3

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of the North Atlantic Treaty, should consult the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, and the Armed Services Committees of the Senate and the House of Representatives, and that he should likewise consult the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe; 4. it is the sense of the Senate that before sending units of ground troops to Europe under article 3 of the North Atlantic Treaty, the Joint Chiefs of Staff shall certify to the Secretary of Defense that in their opinion the parties to the North Atlantic Treaty are giving, and have agreed to give full, realistic force and effect to the requirement of article 3 of said treaty that "by means of continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid" they will "maintain and develop their individual and collective capacity to resist armed attack," specifically insofar as the creation of combat units is concerned;

5. the Senate herewith approves the understanding that the major contribution to the ground forces under General Eisenhower's command should be made by the European members of the North Atlantic Treaty, and that such units of United States ground forces as may be assigned to the above command shall be so assigned only after the Joint Chiefs of Staff certify to the Secretary of Defense that in their opinion such assignment is a necessary step in strengthening the security of the United States; and the certified opinions referred to in paragraphs 4 and 5 shall be transmitted by the Secretary of Defense to the President of the United States, and to the Senate Committees on Foreign Relations and Armed Services, and to the House Committees on Foreign Affairs and Armed Services as soon as they are received; 6. it is the sense of the Senate that, in the interests of sound constitutional processes, and of national unity and understanding, congressional approval should be obtained of any policy requiring the assignment of American troops abroad when such assignment is in implementation of article 3 of the North Atlantic Treaty; and the Senate hereby approves the present plans of the President and the Joint Chiefs of Staff to send four additional divisions of ground forces to Western Europe, but it is the sense of the Senate that no ground troops in addition to such four divisions should be sent to Western Europe in implementation of article III of the North Atlantic Treaty without further congressional approval;

7. it is the sense of the Senate that the President should submit to the Congress at intervals of not more than six months reports on the implementation of the North Atlantic Treaty, including such information as may be made available for this purpose by the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe;

8. it is the sense of the Senate that the United States should seek to eliminate all provisions of the existing treaty with Italy which impose limitations upon the military strength of Italy and prevent the performance by Italy of her obligations under the North Atlantic Treaty to contribute to the full extent of her capacity to the defense of Western Europe;

9. it is the sense of the Senate that consideration should be given to the revision of plans for the defense of Europe as soon

as possible so as to provide for utilization on a voluntary basis. of the military and other resources of Western Germany and Spain, but not exclusive of the military and other resources of other nations.

231. REPORT OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ON PROTOCOL ON TERMINATION OF THE OCCUPATION REGIME IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY AND THE PROTOCOL TO THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ON ACCESSION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, MARCH 31, 19551

The Committee on Foreign Relations, having had under consideration the protocol on the termination of the occupation regime in the Federal Republic of Germany (Ex. L, 83d Cong., 2d sess.) and the protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the accession of the Federal I public of Germany (Ex. M, 83d Cong., 2d sess.), recommends that the Senate give its advice and consent to the ratification of the said protocols.

1. GENERAL PURPOSE OF PROTOCOLS

The protocol on the termination of the occupation regime in Germany will restore sovereignty to the Federal Republic by permitting it to exercise full authority over its internal and external affairs, subject to the reservation of certain rights relating to Berlin, the reunification of Germany, and the conclusion of a peace treaty. The protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty will bring the Federal Republic into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as the 15th member.

Related to these two protocols are a series of agreements which will have the effect of creating a Western European Union, establishing a system of military limitations and controls, and providing for the close integration of the armed forces of the free nations in Western Europe. In the words of the Secretary of State, "the sum total" of these agreements

is a Western Europe which will have a large measure of unity and of controlled strength, and which, through that unity and strength, can contribute mightily to its own welfare and to that of others.

2. BACKGROUND

Shortly after the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in April 1949 and inauguration of the United States military assistance program to help Western European nations rebuild their defenses, it became apparent that adequate defenses in Western Europe would require some type of German contribution. As might have been expected, there was deep concern in Western Europe that steps taken to enable the Federal Republic to reestablish its armed forces might lead to a revival of German militarism with a consequent threat to the nations of Western Europe which had so recently been at war with Germany.

In order to enable the Federal Republic to assist in the defense of Western Europe and at the same time to insure against the revival

1 U. S. Congress. Senate. Executive Report No. 6, 84th Congress, 1st session.

of militarism, the then French Prime Minister M. Pleven, proposed the establishment of the European Defense Community (EDC).

On May 26, 1952, the Three Powers (France, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and the Federal Republic of Germany signed a Convention on Relations with the Federal Republic of Germany. One day later in Paris a protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty was signed. The Convention on Relations with the Federal Republic, the so-called Bonn convention of 1952, provided for the restoration of sovereignty to Western Germany. The NATO protocol extended to Western Germany the area to which the North Atlantic Treaty would apply.

An essential part of this program restoring sovereignty to Germany and extending NATO to cover the Federal Republic was the conclusion of a treaty among the powers of Western Europe to establish the European Defense Community. The EDC envisaged the creation of a common defense organization for six European countries, includ ing the Federal Republic of Germany. The German contribution to the defense organization was to be through the instrumentality of the EDC.

The United States Senate on July 1, 1952, gave its advice and consent to the ratification of the Bonn agreements of 1952 and the NATO protocol of that year by votes of 77-5 and 72-5, respectively. Those two agreements never came into effect because the French Chamber of Deputies on August 30, 1954, failed to approve the treaty establishing the EDC-an essential part of the plan to make Germany an independent and fully contributing partner to the free world defense system in Western Europe.

In light of the possibility that the EDC might not be approved, the United States Senate had on July 30, 1954, by a vote of 88-0, adopted a resolution requesting the President to take such steps as he found necessary "to restore sovereignty to Germany." Subsequent to the defeat of the EDC, the British Foreign Minister consulted with the governments which had signed the EDC Treaty to ascertain whether some substitute for that instrument might be devised which would enable France, Germany, and the other signatories of the EDC to join together in an organization which would make it possible for Germany to make a contribution to Western European defenses without the danger of uncontrolled rearmament. As a result of these efforts, amendments were proposed to the Brussels Pact of 1945, discussed more fully below, which accomplished this purpose.

It was thus possible on October 23, 1954, to conclude a new series of agreements to terminate the occupation regime in Germany and restore sovereignty to her and to make arrangements for Germany | to be admitted to NATO.

On November 15, 1954, the President transmitted to the Senate the two protocols now before the committee.

3. COMMITTEE ACTION

Although the protocols under consideration have been pending since last November 15, the committee did not wish to hold hearings on them until legislative action on the protocols and related agreements had been completed by Western Germany and France. On the dar the protocols were approved by the French Council of the Republic

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