abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies: For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our governments: For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatso

ever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolution, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of war-fare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connection and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved;

and that, as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do.

And, for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

The fifty-six signers of the Declaration were as follows:

Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, and Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut:

Caesar Rodney, George Read, and Thomas McKean of Delaware: Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, and George Walton, of Georgia: Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, and Charles Carroll of Carrollton, of Maryland:

John Hancock, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts:

Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, and Matthew Thornton, of New Hampshire:

Richard Stockton, John Whitherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, and Abraham Clark, of New Jersey:

William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, and Lewis Morris, of New York:

William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, and John Penn, of North Carolina:

Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, and George Ross, of Pennsylvania:

Stephen Hopkins and William Ellery, of Rhode Island:

Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., and Arthur Middleton, of South Carolina; and

George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, and Carter Braxton, of Virginia.

HISTORY

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED

THE

STATES OF AMERICA

HE Federal Constitution of the United States of America is one of the class of "written" and "rigid" constitutions, and the most important example of a constitution of the "supreme" or "extraordinary" type. That is to say, it is not only the result of a definite purpose and of a deliberate act of legislation, embodied in written form; it is not only incapable of modification by ordinary legislative processes; but it is the true supreme law of the land, to which all other law must conform, and conformity to it is the test of the validity of the ordinary law. The commanding quality of the Federal Constitution is the fact that it is not, like most political constitutions, including those of the several States of the American Union, a mere restriction upon the authority of the governing powers of the state, but that it creates a new frame of government, which it endows with certain limited powers, and from which it deliberately withholds all powers not so granted. The government so constituted by it is, therefore, a government of granted, and not of antecedent, authority, and the Constitution is not only the supreme law of the land, but comprehends within itself the whole of that law.

There is some confusion, therefore, in the use of such phrases as the "territorial extent," "the Constitution follows the flag," and whether the Constitu