Committee For New China Policy have advocated-and the Administration seems to have felt it was not a bad idea, either-it has been essential for U.S. policy to take full account of Chinese policy goals and style of operation. For many years, Sino-American relations seemed like two boats, passing in the night, taking little if any note of one another-save for hostile words and hostile acts. While none of us should fault this Administration for its efforts to improve Sino-American relations, I think one should not avoid paying tribute to the responsiveness of the Chinese Governments to U.S. Government initiatives. The seemingly small gesture of the Administration in canceling passport restrictions was quickly followed by the advent of ping-pong diplomacy, which in turn led almost immediately to a period of semi-official and now virtually official Sino-American relations. Old beliefs about the US die hard in China, as those about China will take time to die in the U.S. The deftness with which a Chou En-lai deals with highranking Americans may not be matched by other Chinese who still retain their grave doubts and suspicions of U.S. motives and behavior, who do not readily forget that the U.S. still maintains a large military presence in Asia aimed mainly at China, and who hold ideological beliefs sharply different from those of most Americans. Hence, in this current period of self-praise, we should not for a moment forget that the Chinese government has, in recent months, had to make tough decisions : in the absence of an agreement on the Taiwan question or the lifting of the trade embargo, China permitted American athletes, journalists and scientists to travel to China; Chinese diplomats in Ottawa also unstintingly gave of their time and energies, often under trying conditions, to deal wtih Americans of varied political persuasions and professions. With the lifting of the US trade embargo, but with the Taiwan question still unresolved, the Chinese Government has invited the U.S. President to visit a China which the U.S. does not yet officially recognize. While some people may rail against being taken in by Chinese smiles or claim that Chinese policy toward the outside world has not changed, let me assure you that after numerous visits to Ottawa Chinese officials do not always smile at Americans and that any Chinese Government which invites Richard Nixon to visit China must be in the process of changing its policies in a more than superficial way. The truth of the matter is that the Chinese and American boats have finally met in daylight, not at night, and have found that their mutual fears, suspicions, hostilities and hatred may well have been exaggerated. Consequently, their courses may cross more frequently, but there is no need to assume that more discord will occur in Sino-American relations in the next few years than in any other set of bilateral relations involving Major Powers. COMMITTEE FOR NEW CHINA POLICY-POLICY STATEMENT The Committee for New China Policy advocates a new United States policy toward China which recognizes that the People's Republic of China is the sole legitimate government of China. We will work for a United States policy of peace, understanding, and cooperation with the People's Republic of China. We recognize that such a policy must inevitably lead to a new approach by the United States toward Asia as a whole. In order to move toward the new China policy we advocate, our government should: 1. Recognize that Taiwan is Chinese territory (as the United States did prior to the Korean War) and accept the position that, whatever the complexities of transition from the present political situation, the United States has no responsibility for determining the future status of Taiwan. 2. Adhere strictly to international law and refrain from intervention in China's internal affairs; withdraw American forces from Taiwan and the Taiwan strait and terminate all military, political and economic aid to Chinese Nationalist authorities. 3. End the current policy of military encirclement and trade embargo of China, and eliminate all punitive and discriminatory trade regulations. 4. Bring the American involvement in the Indochina War to a speedy and unconditional conclusion since the continuation of that involvement increases the possibility of war with China. 5. Acknowledge that the government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legitimate representative of China in the United Nations and in all other international organizations. 6. Establish economic, social, cultural, and diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China on the basis of the principles of equality, mutual respect, and non-intervention in each other's affairs. Adopted: June 25, 1970. Hon. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, D.C., June 22, 1971. Chairman, Committee on Senate Foreign Relations, DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: This is to confirm our conversations with Committee staff members in response to the Committee's request for witnesses from the Department of State to testify in hearings beginning June 24 on five resolutions relating to the People's Republic of China: S. Res. 18 submitted by Senator Gravel, as amended by Amendment No. 4 of February 10, 1971; S. Res. 37 submitted by Senator Javits; S. Res. 82 submitted by Senator McGovern; S. Res. 139 submitted by Senator Kennedy; and S.J. Res. 48 submitted by Senator Church. As part of our overall review of our China policy, the question of Chinese representation at the UN is in the final stages of a thorough, high-level review within the Executive Branch. We are also endeavoring on a highly confidential basis to get the views of some of our principal allies in order better to assess the validity of the various courses available. Accordingly, we think it would be more practical and productive for a Department official to testify before your Committee after we have gone further in our consultations and have a clearer indication of the possibilities of certain new approaches. For these reasons we have asked to be excused from appearing at this time. We will stay in touch with Mr. Marcy with regard to testifying at a later time when it will be possible for us to provide you with more soundly based judgments and to engage in more complete and meaningful discussions. Sincerely yours, DAVID M. ABSHIRE, Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations. Page Determinations on U.S. policy. 318 Developments of 1955-57. 185 Difference between Senate Resolution 37 and Senate Resolution 82_. 77 Formosa question_-_ Does China have designs?__ Effects of herbicides_. Effort by United States_. Elections of Taiwan were separate country. Entry by Mao's government into U.N. Essential changes-- Establishing diplomatic relations_. Events during cultural revolution_. Evolution to peace-- Expansion not Chinese custom_ Expectations about Sino-American trade- Fear of U.S. isolationism__ "Foreign Mud"_ Formal treaty obligations._. Formation of united front- Formulation of policies-‒‒‒ Free elections not only way to create political entity_ Fulbright, Senator J. W.: Examination of witnesses: Cohen, Jerome___. 98 57 121 17 171 344 341 12 133 258 182 304 254 326 295 15 335 32 112 316 16 Whiting, Prof. Allen S---- 182, 183, 185, 214, 221–223, 226–236, 240, 242 |