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and Hungary. On the other hand, in Servia, east of the Morava, almost 400,000 Roumanians are to be found who were robbed of all national rights and compelled by force to become Servians. In Servia the soil is almost entirely in possession of the ruling race; the Servians, who, being in general too idle to cultivate the land, employ the Roumanians as their tenants and labourers, and these latter, as in Hungary, are filled with hatred to their rulers and oppressors. In East Hungary ecclesiastical, not religious, reasons contribute also to increase this hatred. The Roumanians, like the Servians, are Greek Catholics; in Hungary and Transylvania, however, their church was only allowed on sufferance, and its members were without all political rights till after the revolution of 1848 and 1849 was suppressed; while the Servians, who came from the Balkan Peninsula, on the ground of privileges, enjoyed a great measure of autonomy in all ecclesiastical matters. The consequence was that within the Greek Church of Hungary the Servians gained the chief power, administered the whole property of the Church, filled the rich cloisters, and monopolised all ecclesiastical dignities; while the Roumanians, in ecclesiastical and in political matters, were the misera contribuens plebs. The same relations existed between Greeks and Bulgarians till a few years ago, when the Porte, by freeing their Church from the Greek hegemony, won the gratitude of the Bulgarians so completely that, in spite of all Pansclavic agitations, they show no inclination to join in the insurrection. General Ignatieff is now trying to find a modus vivendi between Greeks and Bulgarians, to make the latter ripe for a revolt, and to win back the lost sympathies of the Greeks for Russia. The Austrian Government rewarded the Roumanians for the help they

afforded in the civil war of 1848 by emancipating the Roumanian Church from Servian tyranny, and appointed a separate Greek Catholic Metropolitan to reside at Blasendorf, in Transylvania. The Hungarian Servians were much incensed at this, and the ill-will between them and the Roumanians continued. The advantage which Roumania may derive from the continuance of the insurrection in Bosnia and the weakening of the Porte is easy to understand, consequently the Roumanians cherish the best wishes for the insurgents; but their dislike of the Servians is so great, that the aspirations of the leading men in Bucharest and among the Hungarian Roumanians are lamed by it. Moreover, everyone has little doubt that Russia desires to make use of the present insurrection to regain possession of that part of Bessarabia that she was obliged to cede to Roumania by the Treaty of Paris. The mouths of the Danube would then be in her hands, and Roumania (and Austria) would be cut off from the Black Sea. Under such circumstances the Roumanians in the Principality, and Hungary distracted by contrary feelings and considerations, can arrive at no conclusion, or give expression to any decided opinion.

The Italians, numbering 600,000, for the most part in the south of the Tyrol, Trieste, and Istria, though 56,000 inhabit the towns on the Dalmatian coast, partly on account of their decided leaning to the kingdom of Italy, can exercise little influence on the Austrian policy; but they acquire an unusual interest from the influence which the Austrian Oriental policy exercises on them. From 1815 till a few years ago the Italians were the spoiled children of Austria. In the kingdom of Venetia-Lombardy, only silver was in circulation, and no bank or State notes of less

worth, so that the payment of the customs and other taxes was easier for them than for the other nationalities. In all offices and schools the Italian language alone was used, and this rule extended even to the Littorale (Goricia, Trieste, Istria) and Dalmatia, where the Italians form only a small part of the population. Down to the present day the words of command in the Austrian fleet are Italian, although the officers are German and the sailors and marines Sclaves; finally, the Government used its whole influence to give the Italian minority the ascendency over the Sclavic majority. In Venetia, Lombardy, the South Tyrol, and Trieste, this policy led to an increase of the Italian national feeling and hostility to Austria; while in the coast towns of Istria and Dalmatia the Italians attached themselves closely to the Austrian Government, as the only hope of deliverance from the destruction to which they were exposed through the implacable hatred of the Sclavic majority. The walls of the coast towns divide two nations, the Sclavic and the Italian, between whom peace and unity are impossible; if, instead of an Austrian, an Italian stadtholder resided in Zara, a war of extermination would begin between the two nations, and the whole Italian army would fail in conquering the Morlachs in their inaccessible mountains. But the Oriental policy of Count Andrassy brought about a change in Dalmatia. In order to gain the sympathies of the Turkish Sclaves, General Rodich, the stadtholder of Dalmatia, patronised the Austrian Sclaves, and deprived the Italians of most of their privileges. Servian language was placed on the same footing as the Italian, Sclavonian schools established, Sclavic bishops appointed, and in the elections to the Dalmatian Diet and Austrian Reichsrath the Sclaves

The

obtained a strong majority. When, after the outbreak of the insurrection, the passions of South Sclaves were roused, these Italians, who are not distinguished for courage, and stand always in fear of their lives, tried to protect themselves by professing sympathy for the insurrection; the Italian merchants also gained large sums of money by supplying arms, ammunition, and provisions to the insurgents; the hotels were filled with strangers; the Italian officials dreamed of advancement after the annexation of Bosnia; and, above all, the Radical party in Italy again returned to their old idea to unite Dalmatia, Albania, and the Ionian Islands to Italy, and turn the Adriatic Sea into an Italian lake. Garibaldi especially favoured this idea; hundreds of volunteers were equipped in Italy and sent to the Herzegovina via Dalmatia, and every volunteer was an advocate for the annexation. The Austrian Government recognised the danger when it was too late, and transported the Italian volunteers back into their own country; but owing to Austria's policy in the East, her Italian subjects have now become anti-Austrian.

Among the nationalities compelled to remain passive in the Oriental question is the South Sclavic race of the Slovenians, 1,260,000 in number, who live in Carinthia, Carniola, Goricia, the district round Trieste, South Styria, and Sclavonia (Croatia). Under the name of Corutani, the Slovenians inhabited the whole of the Austrian Alps to the Tyrol, Friant, and Istria, at the close of the middle ages, but were gradually driven by the Germans into their present possessions. At the time of the Reformation they first attracted attention, as they embraced Protestantism with the greatest zeal. The sectarian Flaccius (Frankonitz) was a Slovenian from Istria; Paul Vegerins and

Primus Truber from Carniola; the latter, inventor of the Slovenian written language, which he regarded as a divine inspiration, translated Luther's catechism and the New Testament into Slovenian. In Würtemberg a Slovenian printing press, with Latin, Gaglonitic, and Cyrillian letters, was established, and from all Protestant countries money poured in to support the undertaking, as it was hoped by distributing Sclavonian Bibles to convert the Turks, many of them understanding that language, and numbers of Mahomedans being renegade Sclavonians. But as the Slovenians could not read, the books found few purchasers, the printing press was given up, and the religious and very feeble literary movement was entirely rooted out by the reCatholicizing of Austria. Yet down to the present time the memory of those days has remained, and has had an influence on the attitude of the Slovenians towards the Turks; while of all the branches of the Sclavic race, the Slovenians, next to the Ruthenians, are the most difficult to excite against the Germans, i.e. Austrians. During the French rule in Carniola, from 1809 to 1813, the Slovenian national feeling was again aroused. Valentine Vodnik, popular poet, was inspired to write his Ilirja Ozivljena (Newlyawakened Illyria'), but found little favour, except in a small circle of young people. The Slovenians do not understand the written language, and in their villages their villages they even now protest against copies of the official Gazette being sent to them in Slovenian, instead of in German. Even the agitations of 1848 and, later, of 1861, only extended to a very small circle. It is true the Slovenians hate the Italians, but with Austria they are at peace. They, therefore, take no part in the extravagances of the Pansclavic aspirations, and, being Roman Catholics, cannot feel any

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VOL. XIV.-NO. LXXIX. NEW SERIES.

enthusiasm for the Illyrian Empire, in which the Greek Catholics would have the ascendant. At the beginning of the insurrection in the Herzegovina, Hubmayer, a German compositor in a Slovenian printing office at Laibach, marched to the seat of war at the head of a small Slovenian band, and played an important part there for some time; but he was driven away by Montenegrin intrigues, and since then he is at work again in a printing office at Chur, in Switzerland. In the meantime, the sympathy of the Slovenians for the insurrection has sunk very low, and in spite of the zeal of the clergy, and the little national papers, it cannot be revived. The people are passive, and could only be roused to action by a war against the Italians.

Thus, almost 17,000,000 Austrians have not to be considered in the Oriental question. The Magyars, Germans, and three branches of the South Sclaves— Croatians, Servians, and Morlachs (Dalmatian Sclaves)-have alone played a rôle in it, and will continue to do so.

The Magyars, 5,000,000 in number, are the dominant race in the lands of St. Stephen's crown, and the leading people in the foreign policy of Austria; first, because the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Andrassy, is a Magyar, and, secondly, because the Delegations, the wonderful double Parliament invented by Francis Deák, the two halves of which are not permitted to see or speak with each other, has the control of the foreign policy, and is so constituted that, in reality, all decisions are in the hands of the Magyars; finally, these latter have little pleasure in the work of administrative duties and social reforms, and therefore turn to foreign policy as a field for their ambition. The attitude of the Magyars will probably have a decisive influence on any resolution taken by the

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Austro-Hungarian Empire in Ori-
ental affairs. The Turco-Hungarian
wars are no glorious page in the
history of this people. At Nicopolis,
on the Kossovo-Polje, and at Mohacs,
the Hungarian armies were totally
defeated, and the deliverance of
Hungary from the Turkish yoke
was effected by the armies of the
German Empire. But the people,
especially in their Sagas, seldom
have any memory for great battles
which decide the fate of nations,
preferring to recall those encounters
in which personal valour played a
conspicuous part. The guerilla
war in the south-east and north-
west of Hungary is therefore still
fresh in the memory of the people,
and the national hero of the Mag-
yars is Paul Kiniszi, Voyvode of
Temesvar, who, after the victory on
the Bread-field in the Maros Valley,
danced on the heaps of slain Turks,
holding a dead one in his teeth.
That the victory was due to the
Saxons from Transylvania, who
formed the avant garde, the people
do not even know. But those who
think they have been victorious
never feel any great hatred to their
conquered foes; and besides, the
rule of the Turks was never so
dreadful as it has been depicted by
Christian authors. Unprejudiced
writers of the sixteenth century
are obliged to acknowledge the in-
tellectual and moral superiority of
the Turkish army over the Chris-
tian, and, without this superiority,
the conquests of the Turks would
not have been possible. In religious
toleration they were far in advance
of the Austrians; no Turkish Pasha
ever having ordered such numerous
and cruel executions as the Austrian
Generals Caraffa and Basta, Count
Rottal, and others. The Hungarian
Protestants, during their revolu-
tions, were always in league with the
Turks against the Austrian Jesuits;
Stephan and Emerich Tököly,
George and Francis Rakoczy, the
heads of the revolution, being all

partisans of the Turks. After the
defeat of Bern at Temesvar, and
the capitulation of Görgey at Vil-
lagos (1849), he fugitive adherents
of Kossuth found a refuge in
Turkey; and the Porte, supported
by Lord Palmerston, courageously
refused the demand of the Great
Powers to deliver them up. The
most inveterate enemies of the
Turks, the South Sclaves, are like-
wise the greatest adversaries to the
Magyars; the causa movens of the
South Sclavic movement lies in the
territory of St. Stephen's crown,
and the same elements which take
part in, or at least support, the in-
surrection in Bosnia and the Her-
zegovina carried on a war of in-
describable cruelty in 1848 and
1849, under the command of Ban
Jellachich against the Magyars.
Prince Alexander of Servia allowed
volunteers from the Principality to
cross the Danube, and gave 20,000
and the
ducats for their equipment;
band of Kuicanin, who was later
appointed an Austrian general, was
exclusively recruited in Servia,
Bosnia, and Montenegro. No Mag-
is able to think of the con-
yar yet
flict in the Banat without having
his ire aroused. When we also
consider that, after the Fins, the
Turks are the only race related to
the Magyars, that in many charac-
teristics there is a great similarity
between the two nations, and that
every annexation of Turkish terri-
tory would increase the number of
Hungarian Sclaves and Rouma-
nians, and make the Magyar hege-
mony impossible, it is easy to under-
stand that the Turks have no more
zealous partisans in Europe than
the Magyars.

Religious hatred is unknown among this nation; Roman Catholics, Calvinists, and Unitarians, all have retained a certain amount of heathenism, and in every trouble. call upon the 'God of the Magyars as if they did not wish other nations to worship the same Deity.

The Austrian rule from 1849 was too short to change the Roman Catholic clergy from lovers of wine and women into ascetics, though the Jesuits did their best to effect an improvement. Mahomedanism is in general more sympathetic to the Magyars than the Nemet hit (German, i.e. Lutheran faith) or the Racz hit (Servian, i.e. Greek Catholic faith), so that their religions sentiments would sooner place the Magyars on the side of the Moslems than the Christian revolutionists.

Servia, Bosnia, the Herzegovina, and part of Dalmatia were, however, shortly before their conquest by the Turks, Hungarian vassal states. At every coronation, even that of King Francis Joseph, in June, 1867, Bosnian and Servian colours were carried before the monarch, and he had to swear to reconquer the lands formerly belonging to Hungary. Moreover, Kossuth's dream of a Danubian Confederation, in which the Magyars would be the sun among the stars, has not yet passed out of the memory of all. The consequence was that at the beginning of the insurrection in the Herzegovina many Magyars were in favour of the incorporation of Bosnia. But scarcely had the excitement spread among the Hungarian Servians than the Magyars became the zealous and untiring adversaries of the insurrectionists; the authorities redoubled their watchfulness in South Hungary, M. Koloman Tisza, the Hungarian Premier, criticised every act of Count Andrassy's, and repeated interpellations were made in Parliament of a decided Turcophil tendency. It was even proposed that the bones of the rebel Rakoczy should be brought from Constantinople to Pesth. Now, every day the hatred against the rayahs, the Servians, and Montenegrins, increases; every day the desire that

an end should be put to the insurrection is more openly expressed, and the danger of a complication and annexation more dreaded, while the distrust of Russia becomes stronger continually. The Magyars might be easily induced to make war with Russia, for they ascribe the growing restlessness of the Hungarian Sclaves to the agitations of Russian agents. Peace, and the maintenance of the status quo on the Balkan Peninsula if possible; if not, then war to the knife with Russia. That is the public opinion among the Magyars.

With less passion, less unanimity, the educated and influential part of the Germans, numbering 9,200,000, of whom 2,000,000 are in Hungary, have passed through the same phases of feeling as the Magyars since the rebellion began, and have come to the same opinion. Among the Magyars the national feeling is always more powerful than the religious; and just the contrary may be said of the German Ultramontanes in Austria, who preached a crusade against Turkey, and demanded the annexation of Bosnia, till suddenly, by an unlooked-for incident, they were, if not converted in their opinions, at least frightened into remaining passive in the Turkish question. The New Year's article of the HistorischPolitische Blätter, whose editor, Dr. Jörg, is leader of the Bavarian Ultramontanes, declared that Austria, like Turkey, was ripe for a fall; that German Austria must be incorporated into the German Empire, and the Austrian centre of gravity removed to Kragujevatz (the residence of the Servian Czars till 1389). The hope of gaining an addition of 14,000,000 fellow-believers, and thereby, perhaps, obtaining the majority in the German Reichstag, raised the enthusiasm of the Ultramontanes in the German Empire, so that almost all their organs propagated the opinions of

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