Handbook of Contemporary Behavioral Economics: Foundations and DevelopmentsMorris Altman M.E. Sharpe, 2006 - 785 頁 Offering the comprehensive articulation of behavioral economics theory, this book includes coverage of critical areas such as the Economic Agent, Context and Modeling, Decision Making, Experiments and Implications, Labor Issues, Household and Family Issues, Life and Death, Taxation, Ethical Investment and Tipping, and more. |
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第 1 到 5 筆結果,共 80 筆
第 22 頁
... rose slightly at least during the middle reform years : from 41 percent in 1967-77 , for example , to 45 percent in 1987- 89. So it might be argued that the " public " sector expanded then . But the central state budget , as a reported ...
... rose slightly at least during the middle reform years : from 41 percent in 1967-77 , for example , to 45 percent in 1987- 89. So it might be argued that the " public " sector expanded then . But the central state budget , as a reported ...
第 70 頁
... rose dramatically in 1964 and decreased simi- larly in the early 1970s . Perhaps it would apply to an analysis of the military budget , too . Articles on these topics have apparently not yet been written 70 UNSTATELY POWER.
... rose dramatically in 1964 and decreased simi- larly in the early 1970s . Perhaps it would apply to an analysis of the military budget , too . Articles on these topics have apparently not yet been written 70 UNSTATELY POWER.
第 83 頁
... rose 19 percent over that quarter century ; but the number of urban people depending on this food rose 120 percent . 6 As the technology to grow grain changed , local networks of peasants established indus- tries and devoted their work ...
... rose 19 percent over that quarter century ; but the number of urban people depending on this food rose 120 percent . 6 As the technology to grow grain changed , local networks of peasants established indus- tries and devoted their work ...
第 85 頁
... rose , because field work had mechanized quickly at that time . Sec- ond , the state could not take its previous high rake - off from the profits of rural processing , because it had lost much of its monitoring ability through maltreat ...
... rose , because field work had mechanized quickly at that time . Sec- ond , the state could not take its previous high rake - off from the profits of rural processing , because it had lost much of its monitoring ability through maltreat ...
第 87 頁
... rose 19 percent annually between 1965 and 1978 — a very high rate for a long pe- riod.16 From 1979 to 1989 , years that are usually conceived as central to reform , the annual increase was far lower — less than 3 percent . The ...
... rose 19 percent annually between 1965 and 1978 — a very high rate for a long pe- riod.16 From 1979 to 1989 , years that are usually conceived as central to reform , the annual increase was far lower — less than 3 percent . The ...
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agricultural Anhui areas banks Baoshan Beijing billion yuan budget cadres capital central chengshi China China's reforms Chinese Chongqing city's collective companies Cultural Revolution Deng Xiaoping Development early East China economists enterprises entrepreneurs especially factories fazhan Fei Xiaotong firms Fujian gongye growth Guangdong Guangzhou Hangzhou Hong Kong Ibid inland investment Jiangnan Jiangsu Jiangxi Kexue Chuban Kexue Yuan Chuban labor leaders less loans managers markets metropolis migrants million municipal Nanjing networks Ningbo nonstate official output peasants percent period political Princeton production profits provinces raw materials reported revenues rural industries sector Shang Shanghai delta Shanghai Economic Zone Shanghai jingji Shanghai Shehui Kexue Shanghai shi Shaoxing Shehui Kexue Yuan socialist Statistical Bureau Statistical Yearbook Sunan Suzhou Tangqiao Tianjin tion tongji nianjian trade University Press urban Wenzhou workers Wuxi yanjiu Zhejiang Zhongguo Tongji Chuban
熱門章節
第 40 頁 - They cannot represent themselves, they must be represented. Their representative must at the same time appear as their master, as an authority over them, as an unlimited governmental power that protects them against the other classes and sends them rain and sunshine from above.
第 407 頁 - To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections. It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country, and to mankind.
第 289 頁 - ... A wedge is opened here for analysis of social structural influences on market behavior. But Williamson treats these examples as exceptions and also fails to appreciate the extent to which the dyadic relations he describes are themselves embedded in broader systems of social relations. I argue that the anonymous market of neoclassical models is virtually nonexistent in economic life and that transactions of all kinds are rife with the social connections described.
第 40 頁 - In so far as there is merely a local interconnection among these small peasants, and the identity of their interests begets no unity, no national union and no political organisation, they do not form a class.
第 152 頁 - James C. Scott. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).
第 v 頁 - Generally speaking, our rural reforms have proceeded very fast, and farmers have been enthusiastic. What took us by surprise completely was the development of township and village industries.
第 24 頁 - Mitchell argues, [t]he state should be addressed as an effect of detailed processes of spatial organization, temporal arrangement, functional specification, and supervision and surveillance, which create the appearance of a world fundamentally divided into state and society.
第 22 頁 - In this perspective, states matter not simply because of the goal-oriented activities of state officials. They matter because their organizational configurations, along with their overall patterns of activity, affect political culture, encourage some kinds of group formation and collective political actions (but not others), and make possible the raising of certain political issues (but not others).
第 29 頁 - Whatever the intellectual sources of error, the effect of equating movements with movement organizations — and thus requiring that protests have a leader, a constitution, a legislative program, or at least a banner before they are recognized as such — is to divert attention from many forms of political unrest and to consign them by definition to the more shadowy realms of social problems and deviant behavior. As a result such events as massive school truancy or rising worker absenteeism or mounting...