Handbook of Contemporary Behavioral Economics: Foundations and DevelopmentsMorris Altman M.E. Sharpe, 2006 - 785 頁 Offering the comprehensive articulation of behavioral economics theory, this book includes coverage of critical areas such as the Economic Agent, Context and Modeling, Decision Making, Experiments and Implications, Labor Issues, Household and Family Issues, Life and Death, Taxation, Ethical Investment and Tipping, and more. |
搜尋書籍內容
第 1 到 5 筆結果,共 78 筆
第 7 頁
... tion and embeddedness are both valid , so long as neither is forgotten . This too often happens . The present book runs some risk of being misread to imply that the institutions covered by its chapters perform only the sorts of ...
... tion and embeddedness are both valid , so long as neither is forgotten . This too often happens . The present book runs some risk of being misread to imply that the institutions covered by its chapters perform only the sorts of ...
第 8 頁
... tion , involving many state and nonstate actors . That will be the approach to China's reforms in this book . " Reforms , " according to a definition by Janos Kornai , must involve reduc- tions of three things : a lessening of the ...
... tion , involving many state and nonstate actors . That will be the approach to China's reforms in this book . " Reforms , " according to a definition by Janos Kornai , must involve reduc- tions of three things : a lessening of the ...
第 11 頁
... tion is said to have taken ten years , from 1966 to 1976 , followed by a two - year transitional era under Hua Guofeng , before the reforms began in 1978 under Deng . The main event is conventionally called a " ten - year calamity " 21 ...
... tion is said to have taken ten years , from 1966 to 1976 , followed by a two - year transitional era under Hua Guofeng , before the reforms began in 1978 under Deng . The main event is conventionally called a " ten - year calamity " 21 ...
第 13 頁
... tion under which the Cultural Revolution is said to cover the whole decade from 1966 to 1976. That way of thinking about the early 1970s hides too many aspects of Chinese political development , because it neglects the real power of ...
... tion under which the Cultural Revolution is said to cover the whole decade from 1966 to 1976. That way of thinking about the early 1970s hides too many aspects of Chinese political development , because it neglects the real power of ...
第 15 頁
... tion , foreign policy , migration to middle - sized cities , fertility reduction , and media technology — will be set forth in various parts of this book . In some fields , e.g. in media content or in the treatment of high intellectuals ...
... tion , foreign policy , migration to middle - sized cities , fertility reduction , and media technology — will be set forth in various parts of this book . In some fields , e.g. in media content or in the treatment of high intellectuals ...
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agricultural Anhui areas banks Baoshan Beijing billion yuan budget cadres capital central chengshi China China's reforms Chinese Chongqing city's collective companies Cultural Revolution Deng Xiaoping Development early East China economists enterprises entrepreneurs especially factories fazhan Fei Xiaotong firms Fujian gongye growth Guangdong Guangzhou Hangzhou Hong Kong Ibid inland investment Jiangnan Jiangsu Jiangxi Kexue Chuban Kexue Yuan Chuban labor leaders less loans managers markets metropolis migrants million municipal Nanjing networks Ningbo nonstate official output peasants percent period political Princeton production profits provinces raw materials reported revenues rural industries sector Shang Shanghai delta Shanghai Economic Zone Shanghai jingji Shanghai Shehui Kexue Shanghai shi Shaoxing Shehui Kexue Yuan socialist Statistical Bureau Statistical Yearbook Sunan Suzhou Tangqiao Tianjin tion tongji nianjian trade University Press urban Wenzhou workers Wuxi yanjiu Zhejiang Zhongguo Tongji Chuban
熱門章節
第 40 頁 - They cannot represent themselves, they must be represented. Their representative must at the same time appear as their master, as an authority over them, as an unlimited governmental power that protects them against the other classes and sends them rain and sunshine from above.
第 407 頁 - To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections. It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country, and to mankind.
第 289 頁 - ... A wedge is opened here for analysis of social structural influences on market behavior. But Williamson treats these examples as exceptions and also fails to appreciate the extent to which the dyadic relations he describes are themselves embedded in broader systems of social relations. I argue that the anonymous market of neoclassical models is virtually nonexistent in economic life and that transactions of all kinds are rife with the social connections described.
第 40 頁 - In so far as there is merely a local interconnection among these small peasants, and the identity of their interests begets no unity, no national union and no political organisation, they do not form a class.
第 152 頁 - James C. Scott. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).
第 v 頁 - Generally speaking, our rural reforms have proceeded very fast, and farmers have been enthusiastic. What took us by surprise completely was the development of township and village industries.
第 24 頁 - Mitchell argues, [t]he state should be addressed as an effect of detailed processes of spatial organization, temporal arrangement, functional specification, and supervision and surveillance, which create the appearance of a world fundamentally divided into state and society.
第 22 頁 - In this perspective, states matter not simply because of the goal-oriented activities of state officials. They matter because their organizational configurations, along with their overall patterns of activity, affect political culture, encourage some kinds of group formation and collective political actions (but not others), and make possible the raising of certain political issues (but not others).
第 29 頁 - Whatever the intellectual sources of error, the effect of equating movements with movement organizations — and thus requiring that protests have a leader, a constitution, a legislative program, or at least a banner before they are recognized as such — is to divert attention from many forms of political unrest and to consign them by definition to the more shadowy realms of social problems and deviant behavior. As a result such events as massive school truancy or rising worker absenteeism or mounting...