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the printer, closely examined, vith a view of discovering the “vil"lanous author." But the artifice of Oxford warded off the blow. He directed a prosecution against Barber himself, which rendered his evidence as to the author no longer admissible in law. The Scotch Peers, headed by the Duke of Argyle, now went up in a body to the Queen, with a demand for vengeance on the insult they had suffered. At their request a proclamation was issued, which promised a reward of 300l. for discovering the author of the libel; but this and the other legal measures were skilfully dropped by the Lord Treasurer as soon as the clamour had abated. In the Commons, Steele having put his name to his pamphlet, and being a member of the House, suffered far more severely than Swift in the Lords. The party tone of his former essays in the Tatler, and the triumph of his late election, had made him peculiarly hateful to the Tories; and their animosity against him burst forth on the very first day of the session. Sir Thomas Hanmer having been proposed as Speaker, Steele, somewhat presumptuously, perhaps, for a new member, rose to support the nomination. "I rise up," he said, "to do him honour"—words which immediately drew from the majority an ironical cry of "Tatler! Tatler !" and, as he afterwards came out, he was greeted with "It is not so easy a thing to speak in the House”—“ He fancies because he can scribble"-; and other such sneering observations. These, however, were but the first mutterings of the impending storm (1). It burst on the 11th of March by a direct attack from Mr. Hungerford, (a lawyer, who had been expelled a former House of Commons for bribery,) seconded by Auditor Foley, a kinsman of the Lord Treasurer. They quoted some passages in the "Crisis," which implied that the Hanover succession was in danger under her Majesty's government, and took good care to apply to the Queen what was intended for the Ministry. So determined was the hostility of the Court party, that it was not without much demur that a week was allowed to Steele to prepare for his defence; and on the appointed day Auditor Foley actually moved that he should withdraw without making any defence at all! The latter proposal was, however, too gross and glaring to be admitted. Steele, nevertheless, did not think proper to take his seat on the side-benches as a member, but stood at the bar as a culprit, with Stanhope on one side, and Walpole on the other. Addison also sat near, and prompted him upon occasion. Thus ably supported, he spoke for nearly three hours, with great eloquence and spirit, and then retired. It was now generally expected that Foley would sum up the case, and answer the defence paragraph by paragraph.

"mediately require. And I find he will do more, "this being only for the present." The name and the date are given in Swift's endorsement, and the letter is printed with his Works (vol. xvi. p. 126.).

(1) See Mr. Steele's apology, printed in the Parl. Hist. vol. vi. p. 1286.

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But the Auditor, confident of his ready majorities, and thinking further trouble needless, contented himself with saying, "Without amusing the House with long speeches, it is plain that the writ"ings that have been complained of are seditious and scandalous, injurious to her Majesty's Government, the Church, and the “Universities; and I move that the question should be put there66 upon."

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This motion occasioned a very warm debate, in which there were several powerful speeches on the side of Steele. But of these the most remarkable were those of Walpole and Lord Finch. "By the present mode of proceeding," said the former, "Parlia"ment, which used to be the scourge only of evil Ministers, is "made by Ministers the scourge of the subject. Mr. Steele "is only attacked because he is the advocate for the Protestant "succession. The cause which he so ably defends gives the "offence. Through his sides the succession is to be wounded. "His punishment will be a symptom that the succession is in 66 danger, and the Ministry are now feeling the pulse of Parlia"ment to see how far they may be able to proceed. . . . . From "what fatality does it arise that what is written in favour of the "Protestant succession, and countenanced by the late Ministry, " is deemed a libel on the present administration (1)?”

Lord Finch was son of the celebrated Tory leader, Nottingham. He owed some personal obligations to Steele, who had formerly refuted a libel on his sister. He now rose to defend her defender : but addressing the House for the first time, and overcome by the bashfulness usually felt on that occasion, he found all his attempts to express himself in vain, and sat down in confusion, merely saying, "It is strange I cannot speak for this man, though I could "readily fight for him. These words being overheard, produced a general feeling in his favour; the whole House rang with encouraging "Hear! Hear!" and thus called on, Lord Finch rose a second time, and delivered a speech fraught with high public spirit and natural eloquence. He particularly justified Steele in his reflections on the Peace of Utrecht. We may," he said, “give it "all the fine epithets we please, but epithets do not change the "nature of things. We may, if we please, call it here honourable; "but I am sure it is accounted scandalous in Holland, Germany, Portugal, and over all Europe except France and Spain. We "may call it advantageous; but all the trading part of the nation "find it to be otherwise and if it be really advantageous, it must "be so to the ministry that made it."

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Such was the beginning of a public career which, though not illustrious, was long, useful, and honourable. As Earl of Winchelsea and Nottingham, Lord Finch formed part of several admi

(1) The notes of this speech were found amongst Sir Robert Walpole's papers, and are published by Coxe in his Life, vol. i. p. 44.

nistrations, and held his last cabinet office above half a century from the time of his outset (1).

Of the speeches delivered against Steele no account appears. But when the question was put, that his publication should be declared a scandalous libel, and the author expelled the House, it was carried by 245 votes against 152-a most fierce and unwar rantable stretch of party violence.

Soon after this transaction, a generous effort was made in the House of Lords on behalf of the ill-fated Catalans. The treatment of that poor people by Oxford's administration is perhaps the foulest of all the blots upon its memory. They had first been roused to revolt at the instigation of England. In the name of the Queen had Lord Peterborough summoned them to arms, and solemnly promised to secure to them their ancient Fueros, or provincial liberties. Under this belief had they nobly fought and suffered. Through their aid had the Austrian cause been for several years maintained in Spain, and its standards twice seen to float from the towers of Madrid. That cause, it is true, was laid prostrate for ever in the burning streets of Brihuega and the bloody plain of Villa Viciosa. But it fell from no fault of the Catalans themselves. They had performed, and were even yet performing, their part of the contract, while ours, on the contrary, was shamefully withheld. At the Peace of Utrecht, their promised Fueros were utterly neglected by the English plenipotentiaries, and nothing beyond an amnesty (that is, mere personal pardon) was stipulated for them. We even find Lord Bolingbroke sneering at what he calls their "obstinacy (2)," and attempting to prove that it is not for the interest of England to preserve the Catalan "liberties (3)!"

The shamelessness of Lord Bolingbroke's conduct will appear yet more glaring, if we contrast it with that which the same people had received from the French, and remember that the French, with all their great qualities, have never been thought remarkable for a liberal interpretation or an exact fulfilment of their treaties. These are points on which we have often, and not unjustly, compared their faith with the Punic. But on this occasion they might well have retaliated upon ours. During the reign of Philip the Fourth, the Catalans had risen in another insurrection against the Castillian government (4). In that insurrection they had received

(1) He resigned the Presidency of the Council in July, 1766, and died in 1769, aged 81. Lord Waldegrave says of him, that at the Admiralty, "his whole "conduct was so unexceptionable, that faction "itself was obliged to be silent." (Memoirs, p. 139.)

(2) Letter to the Queen, Dec. 17. 1713, in Lord Bolingbroke's Correspondence.

(3) Case of the Catalans, in Tindal's History, vol. vi. p. 258.

a very interesting narrative. When Dr. Dunham observes, that "for the domestic portion of this "and much of the following reign, there are no "native contemporary authorities extant; at least

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we know of none;" (Hist. of Spain and Portugal, vol. v. p. 93.) he overlooks the Guerra de Cataluña en tiempo de Felipe IV., por Don Francisco de Melo; one of the most valuable and authentic historical records in the Spanish language. See Mr. Dunlop's Memoirs of Spain,

(4) The Catalan wars of that century might form vol, i, p. 287,

assistance from the French, as in the latter from the English. In both cases had there been mutual engagements, in both were their struggles for independence finally foiled; but did the French forsake them at the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659, as the English at the Peace of Utrecht in 1712? So far from it, that we find the 55th article of that treaty provide, in the most positive manner, for the restoration and maintenance of the Catalan Fueros (1); and what is more, we find that under the guarantee of France these privileges were effectually respected.

The Catalans, now forsaken by their Austrian as well as by their English allies, and opposed to both the monarchies of France and Spain, yet stood heroically firm, and determined to wage the contest for their freedom single-handed. But their noble spirit failed to rouse any sense of justice or humanity in Bolingbroke; and so far from befriending them, by word or deed, he now prepared to assist in their reduction, and to fill up the measure of his own disgrace by despatching an English squadron to the Mediterranean. The Admiral, Sir James Wishart, was directed, in his first instructions, "to repair with the fleet before Barcelona, then besieged by "the enemy, and demand immediate payment of the value of the "Queen's stores in the town, or a sufficient security for payment "in some reasonable time to take care to time his arrival before "the town according to the advices from Lord Bingley (then de"signed to be sent to Madrid as ambassador): by the strongest re"presentations to induce the regency of Barcelona to accept of the "terms that shall be obtained for them to take all the necessary "measures pursuant to the Queen's intentions to put an end to the "confusions that now reign in those parts, and all proper methods "of persuasion to induce the inhabitants of Majorca to submit to "the terms that shall be offered them; and, in case of refusal, to "employ his squadron in countenancing and assisting all attempts

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which may be made for reducing them to a due obedience (2).” On these instructions, we may observe, first, that England was under the same engagements to secure the privileges of Majorca as those of Catalonia at the time Sir James Wishart received direct orders to attack the former; and, secondly, that the whole expedition was planned in concert with, and in deference to, Sir Patrick Lawless, the Spanish envoy in London, who, during the preceding September, had presented a memorial to Bolingbroke, stating that "His Catholic Majesty hopes the Queen will order a squadron of "her ships to reduce his subjects to their obedience." Thus England was actually not merely forsaking her faithful and ill-fated allies, but leaguing herself with France and Spain against them! It was at this point that the House of Lords, with a generous

(1) See the Corps Diplomatique, ed. 1728, vol. vi. part 2. p. 271. Lord Clarendon is very inaccurate

in what he says on this point. (Hist. of Rebell. vol. vii. p. 355. Oxf. ed.) (2) See the case of the Catalans, p. 261.

feeling of compassion, took up the cause of the oppressed. The first step-a motion for papers on the 17th of March—was not opposed by the Ministry. On the 31st, the subject was resumed by Lord Cowper's moving an address to the Queen, "That her "endeavours for preserving to the Catalans the full enjoyment of "their ancient liberties having proved ineffectual, their Lordships "made it their humble request that she would continue her in"terposition in the most pressing manner in their behalf." Lord Cowper was ably supported by his former colleagues, Sunderland and Halifax; while on the other part, Bolingbroke declared "that "the Queen had used her endeavours to procure to the Catalans "the enjoyment of their ancient liberties and privileges; but "that, after all, the engagements she had entered into subsisted "no longer than while King Charles was in Spain!" But that miserable subterfuge (then urged for the first time) made no impression on the House. The Ministers found it necessary to lower their tone; and Lord Chancellor Harcourt could only observe, that the address would be more welcome to her Majesty if the word "inneffectual," as applied to her former endeavours, were left out. Thus amended, the address passed without opposition, and was presented the next day (1). Her Majesty's answer was as follows

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My Lords,—I heartily thank you for this address, and the "satisfaction you express in the endeavours I have used for se"curing the Catalans their just liberties. At the time I concluded "my peace with Spain, I resolved to continue my interposition, "upon every other proper occasion, for obtaining those liberties, "and to prevent, if possible, the misfortunes to which that people "are exposed by the conduct of those more nearly concerned to "help them." The last sentence is an evident and angry allusion to the Cabinet of Vienna (2). But the address of the House of Lords was by no means fruitless of relief for the Catalans. Bolingbroke immediately sent fresh orders to Sir James Wishart not to appear before Barcelona, nor to attack the Majorcans till he should hear from Lord Bingley and receive directions from England; and Lord Bingley's instructions were also (in appearance at least) considerably modified.

Meanwhile the Lord Treasurer greatly surprised the House by moving for leave to bring in a bill "For the further security of "the Protestant succession, by making it high treason to bring in 'any foreign troops into the kingdom." At first sight, this measure seemed to point at St. Germains; but it was, in reality, directed against Hanover, and adverted to the secret design, already men

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(1) The Lords obtained also the concurrence of the Commons in this address. Commons' Journals, vol. xvii. p. 575.

(2) This was the tone taken by all the ministerial writers of the time: "How dreadful," says

Swift, in his Public Spirit of the Whigs," must be "the doom of those who hindered these people "from submitting to the gentle terms offered "them by their Prince!" Works, vol. iv. p. 446.