still have the advantage over Russia even though the Manchurian-Korean railways ultimately connected Seoul with Siberia. Previous to this, Japanese diplomacy had been tirelessly at work to induce the Royal Family to remove from the evil influences of the Russian Legation to the Ching Dong Palace. On the 27th February, 1897, after an absence of almost exactly one year, the King and his entourage once more moved back to more suitable surroundings, although Colonel Potiata, the chief Russian military instructor, was for the time being placed in command of the Palace Guard. Already Russian influence was waning, for in the autumn of the same year only the most violent scenes succeeded in inducing the Korean Government to sanction the appointment of thirteen additional Russian officers to help in the drilling of the reformed Korean army, which Muscovite diplomatists foolishly hoped would some day help prove a valuable ally. It was at this time that Mr. McLeavy Brown was displaced from his position of Financial Adviser, and a Russian named Alexeieff instated in his place, whilst the short-lived RussoKorean Bank, created only to collapse, opened its doors. Russian influence was clearly on the wane. The explanation of these things is to be found by turning to the Japanese. In October, 1877, the King of Korea announced his intention of assuming the title of Emperor, and almost immediately he was crowned at the Imperial Round Hill in the midst of surroundings which the Japanese took good care

were highly impressive and significant. The Japanese Government at once recognised the Imperial title, and by such action forced the other Powers to follow the example set. Slowly but surely the Komura policy was gaining ground. In December of 1897 Japan scored another success by the mortgage of the Seoul-Fusan Railway to a Japanese Bank, which shortly afterwards turned it over to an influential Syndicate headed by Baron Shibusawa, the Tokyo millionaire. Finally, in 1898, Baron Nishi, the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, concluded the well-known Nishi-Rosen Agreement at Tokyo with Baron Rosen, the Russian Minister, in which both Governments concerned recognised the sovereignty and entire independence of Korea, and mutually pledged themselves to abstain from all direct interference in its internal affairs; whilst Russia further undertook not to obstruct the development of industrial and commercial relations between Japan and Korea. It was a diplomatic victory, of that type which prepared the ground for further action.

In April of 1898 the Russo-Korean Bank closed its doors, the Russian Financial Adviser left, the military instructors packed their bags, and the Russian Legation finally dispensed with its formidable Marine Guard. The visit of Baron Shibusawa to Seoul was shortly followed by the granting of a concession to a Japanese Syndicate for the building of a railway to connect Seoul with Fusan, and Japanese trade and industry now showed a marked increase.

Meanwhile, the Port Arthur leasing agreement had been signed in Peking, and Russia, with her position in Manchuria practically assured owing to the entire failure of British diplomacy in the Far East, and with France and Germany, together with the lesser Continental Powers, forming up behind her, determined, although still outwardly adhering to the terms of the various agreements concluded with Japan, to continue her policy of gradual insinuation into Korea, adopting different methods. The timidity of the British Foreign Office was more responsible for this important decision than it would be discreet to divulge; for once it became clear that England was really a negligible quantity north of the Yangtse, it was obviously absurd to fear Japan.

On the 18th January, Monsieur Pavlow, with his Peking laurels still fresh on his brows, entered Seoul, and his masterly diplomatic hand soon made itself felt. Four points required his immediate attention: the obtaining of a definite foothold for Russia on the Yalu; the securing that the Yalu-Seoul Railwayfor which a French syndicate, as has already been noted, held the concession-should not pass into Japanese hands; the strengthening of the Russian position in Seoul by the creation of fictitious Russian interests; and, finally, the lease of a coaling station in the extreme south of Korea. Round these four points the almost silent Russo-Japanese battle in Korea fiercely raged, the balance swaying now this way and now that, but with the Japanese dead-weight of substantial interests and legitimate aspirations

being often more than outweighed by the really exceptional diplomatic ability, persistence, and knowledge of character possessed by the brilliant Russian Minister.

It is impossible to chronicle the doings of the five long years beginning in January, 1900, and ending only with the expulsion of the Russian Minister from Korea in February, 1904; for such a record would alone fill an entire volume. But a few salient facts may be picked out to show the parlous position to which Japan in Korea was once more reduced by the incessant working and scheming of one man representing the powerful St. Petersburg Forward Party, which, recognising that the time for action had arrived, had brought about the appointment of Monsieur Pavlow in order to regain the ground lost in 1898.

Although the French railway concession was nominally surrendered in January, 1899, this cancellation, regarded as a Japanese diplomatic victory, was in reality only an example of Monsieur Pavlow's finesse. The French syndicate withdrew its claim on the distinct understanding that the Korean Government would itself take over the building of the road, employing only French engineers and French materials for the work. Accordingly, a Railway Bureau was created, styled "Bureau des Chemins de fer du Nord-Ouest, Maison Impériale de Corée," with French engineers and employees; and although little work was done, effective steps were thus taken to prevent the passing of the Yalu Railway into Japanese hands. With this railway safe,