where the khans were able to make both ends meet, it is not easy to see why Russia should so completely fail. We cannot accept as the cause of this deficit the explanation that Russia is so weak as to pay through the nose for what she purchases. As the matter stands, there is, according to the published accounts, an annual deficit of six million roubles which has to be made. good by the Imperial exchequer. As the Turkestan army is technically a local army, Russia has not the satisfaction of possessing an actual addition to her military strength in it; and, as a matter of fact, for offensive purposes on a large scale the Turkestan army must be reinforced, and strengthened in artillery and munitions of war from Europe, before it could take the field. In the estimates of expenditure we have given, no allowance is made for any extraordinary expenses such as those connected with the military preparations in Turkestan during the summer of 1878, or for the expedition against Khokand; and these have to be added to make the absolute charge against the Russian exchequer understood. There are also the expenses of the Trans-Caspian district, which figure under the Caucasian returns. Considering the activity of General Lomakine, and the great cost of animals of transport, etc., the expenses connected with that general's governorship are not slight, and they certainly are a dead loss. It is probable that during last the deficit has not been six millions but ten year millions. Russia is not so rich that she can afford to waste that amount annually. The ruling powers

cannot continue to demand that sacrifice, and the

Russian people will not consent to the continuance of that outlay unless some ultimate reward-showy or substantial is placed very tangibly before them.

With regard to the dispensation of justice, we find that there is a law for the ruling and another for the ruled. So long as it is a matter of litigation between two persons, each equally a Russian subject, there is a civil court, presided over by a Russian official, which decides the dispute in accordance with the law of the empire. And if the ruled quarrel inter se they are allowed to decide the matter in dispute in their own courts and before their own judges. But in all criminal cases the Russian court exercises supreme jurisdiction; while for treason, murder, and other extreme offences there is the military court, which is above all. In this court cases are judged with military brevity and decision. In former times the kazis, or local magistrates, were appointed by the ruler; but now the Russians have lowered the old influence of these officials by deciding that they were to be elected by the people. The kazi, as an official created by their suffrage, lost all the claims to respect which he could claim as a ruler over them independent of their good will. Few Asiatics have yet learnt to regard representatives chosen by themselves as worthy of esteem and support. They appreciate force and superior energy alone.

The amount which figures in the estimate under the head of "Education" is, perhaps, the best proof that Russia has done literally nothing for her subjects in this matter. She has left them exactly as she found them, under the influence of their unlettered mollahs,

and without any practical knowledge whatever. Were Turkestan a thickly-peopled country she would speedily reap the punishment for this neglect; as it is, she has no hold upon, nor, indeed, any certain mode of ascertaining what is, the opinion of the subject races. The few Russian schools there are are devoted exclusively to the education of the children of the Russian officials; but of these there is no necessity to say anything. The native schools are divided into makhtabsthe preparatory schools-and madrassees-colleges or more advanced schools-and all of these are religious in their character. The makhtabs are supported by voluntary contributions from the parents of the scholars, and these take the form of money, provisions, clothes, etc. There is no regular charge for any scholar, and the deficiencies of the poorer are made up out of the abundance of the wealthier.

The students of the madrassees are kept and educated free of charge. Each madrassee has a portion. of land, or some other endowment, attached to it; and out of that revenue the Mahomedan youths are provided with the necessaries of life, and such literary knowledge as is extant among the mollahs who officiate as tutors and examiners in these colleges. Education commences at an early age, boys beginning to learn. the Koran at six years old. But the range of subjects is limited, and although doubtless admirably calculated to improve the powers of recitation, the ability to recite passages from the Koran and from a few other Mahomedan authors scarcely tends to enlarge the ideas or to give a general knowledge of surrounding

affairs. Without throwing any aspersion on the character of the teachers themselves, it may be said that the educational methods adopted in these madrassees are absurd, and an utter waste of time and money. For this the Russian Government is responsible. It cannot shirk its duties by proclaiming that it has desired to leave the natives to their own devices, and to interfere as little as possible with their customs, prejudices, and practices. The very reason which justifies Russia's presence in Turkestan is that it is a civilised country, which is bound to set a higher example to its subjects, and to see that they follow it in so far as it is possible or reasonable to expect them to adopt new and strange ways. The subject of education is the test question of whether a power is fit to govern inferior races or not. Russia has done nothing for Central Asiatics. She has left them in their own dark, narrow ways, and it is conceivable, from what we know of Russian character, that the day might arrive when there will be in Turkestan a race descended from Russian officials which will correspond, in its vices and its barbarism, with the Englishry of Ireland during the Middle Ages.

Thirteen thousand roubles are expended on the education of the children of Russian officials. Not a penny out of the State coffers goes for the instruction of the Mahomedan subject, who is permitted to remain in his own dark path. The day must come when Russia will repent her of this short-sighted policy, and then it is at least open to question whether the same gratitude will be evinced towards Russia's lenience in

religious and educational matters as is too confidently expected. By taking over the estates and endowments of the madrassees, and by appointing European supervisors-Germans would be the best-Russia could secure a control over the people, that she has not at present, at the same time that she gave an impetus to education and learning in Asia. But it will be many years before such a scheme is undertaken. For once it came into operation the State would have to carry out in Russia itself some larger scheme of public instruction than at present exists, as otherwise the Russian would rapidly sink behind his Asiatic fellowsubject in point of education and knowledge. Improbable as it is, therefore, that Russia will for many years to come take any step in this direction, it may be confidently asserted that until it has been made Russia can lay no claims to having carried out that civilising mission" which has so often been declared to be her peculiar duty in Central Asia.

The Russians have, however, performed one useful service for their subjects. They have given them tranquillity; and with tranquillity must come in the course of years an increase in material wealth and welfare. North of the Zarafshan range there is peace; and order prevails in all the cities, and among the Kirghiz on the steppe. The example has been infectious in Bokhara and Khiva, which are practically Russian provinces; and it is only among the Turcomans that something like the old condition of things exists. This is due to Russia, and to the credit of it she is fairly entitled. That benefit is in itself not