Louis XIV., who secretly desired his destruction. Thus instigated, he began his designs with the measures which he should not have used till their completion. He sent a splendid embassy to Rome, to acknowledge his obedience to the Pope. Innocent, who then filled the chair, was too good a politican to approve those childish measures, and gave his ambassador a very cool reception. He was sensible that the King was openly striking at those laws and opinions which it was his business to undermine in silence and security. The cardinals were even heard facetiously to declare, that the King should be excommunicated for thus endeavouring to overturn the small remains of Popery that yet subsisted in England." Every member of the Church of England now saw their danger, and Whigs and Tories united their efforts to oppose the schemes of the King."

James was naturally a humane man; it was not his private but public conduct that indisposed the nation against him. Even when he left England, he was not personally disliked; but the sympathy with his misfortunes could not for a moment counterbalance public opinion. This exemplifies strongly the advance of civilisation. In former times, a monarch of agreeable manners and amiable character might, by virtue of these qualifications alone, exert an irresponsible influence over his people. In an advanced state of civilisation, such qualities,

• Lord Lyttleton's History of England, vol. ii.

although desirable in the sovereign, do not prevent a rigid examination of his public acts.

The following anecdote exhibits James in an amiable point of view:

"When Story, taken and imprisoned for assisting Monmouth, was ordered before the King and Privy Council of a sudden, the keeper declared his orders were to bring him immediately, which he did in a coach, without giving him time to prepare himself in any manner, only cautioning him to give a plain and direct answer to the questions the King (James II.) should put to him. When brought before the Council Chamber, he made so sad and sorrowful a figure that all present were surprised and frightened at his haggard and squalid appearance. When the King first cast his eyes upon him he cried out, 'Is that a man? or what is it?' He was told it was Story. Oh! Story,' says the King, 'I remember him; that is a rare fellow indeed.' Then, turning towards him, 'Pray Story,' says he, 'you were in Monmouth's army in the west, were you not?' He, according to the advice given him, made answer presently, 'Yes, an't please your Majesty.' 'Pray,' says the King to him, and you were a commissary there, were you not?' And he again replied, 'Yes, an't please your Majesty.' 'And you,' said he, made a speech before great crowds of people, did you not?' He again very readily answered, 'Yes, an't please your Majesty.' 'Pray,' says the King, 'if you haven't forgot what you said, let us

have some taste of your fine florid speech; let us have a specimen of some of the flowers of your rhetoric.' Whereupon Story told us that he readily made answer, 'I told them, an't please your Majesty, that it was you that fired the city of London.'

A rare rogue, upon my word,' said the King; and pray what else did you tell them?' 'I told them,' said he, 'an't please your Majesty, that you poisoned your brother.' 'Impudence in the utmost height of it,' said the King; 'pray let us have something further, if your memory serves you.' 'I farther told them,' said Mr. Story, 'that your Majesty appeared to be fully determined to make the nation both Papists and slaves.' By this time the King seemed to have heard enough of the prisoner's speech, and therefore, crying out 'A rogue with a witness,' and cutting off short, he said, 'To all this I doubt not but a thousand other villanous things were added; but what would you say, Story, if after all this I should grant you your life?' To which he, without any demur, made answer, 'That he would pray heartily for his Majesty as long as he lived.' 'Why then,' says the King, 'I freely pardon all that is past, and hope you will not for the future represent your King as inexorable.'"*

The feeling of hostility against the King's public conduct was so violent, that it seems probable, if no Prince of Orange had been in existence, the expulsion of James would nevertheless have taken place. When

Calamy's Diary.

this prince was driven from the throne of England, he was in every respect in a more advantageous position than his father when he raised his standard at Nottingham; yet James could make no effectual struggle against the Prince of Orange, so strongly was the latter supported by the country. The religious and political sentiments of James were viewed with apprehension, even before he ascended the throne of his brother, and the Commons House passed a bill excluding him from the succession; but this bill was rejected by the Lords with great difficulty, and after a vehement debate.

To show the advance of civilisation, and strength of public opinion, in 1688, let us imagine that in 1488, an attempt, similar to that of the Prince of Orange, and with a similar force, had been made in England; that the sovereign on the throne had possessed treasure and an armed force equal, in proportion to the times, to that of James. No shadow of doubt can exist that, as little or no public opinion was formed in 1488, the attempt to dispossess the reigning sovereign would have been abortive. The voice of the people in 1488 was of no moment; there was no middle class of any influence; James II., had he lived in those days, would have been esteemed by the barons and courtiers as an excellent monarch; and the ignorant and barbarous lower class would have been blinded by superstition and influenced by their superiors. The same result must have followed in 1588; though in

1585, Henry VII. overcame Richard and ascended the throne; but this event arose from the victory gained over the latter, not from any sentiment in the people, then divided into the factions of the Roses.

From the conduct of James when the Prince of Orange landed, it appears that that monarch, like his father, was wholly ignorant of the existence of public opinion. The repugnance of the people to his measures he attributed to a factious spirit, which he was determined to suppress. "The king of France," says Burnet, "when he gave the king (James II.) advertisements of the preparations in Holland, offered him such a force as he should call for. Twelve or fifteen thousand men were named, or as many more as he should desire. It was proposed that they should land at Portsmouth, and that they should have that place to keep the communication with France open, and in their hands. All the priests were for this. The Earl of Sunderland was the only man in credit that opposed it. He said the offer of an army of forty thousand men, might be a real strength; but then it would depend on the orders that came from France: they might perhaps master England; but they would become the King's masters at the same time; so that he must govern under such orders as they should give; and thus he would quickly become only the viceroy to the King of France: any army less than that would lose the King the affections of his peo