his tyranny. Many persons, innocent of the slightest desire to injure the Conqueror, suffered in the execution of this design. "But," says Rapin, “at that time it is certain the King thought only of his own safety, without troubling himself whether the means he made use of were consistent with justice. To accomplish his ends, he suddenly removed the English from such posts as gave them any power over their countrymen. After which, he dispossessed them of all the baronies and fiefs of the crown in general, and distributed them to the Normans and other foreigners who had followed him into England. But as these last were not so many as those who were deprived of their estates, he was obliged to load them with benefits, in order to draw all wealth out of English hands."

It is hardly possible that the injustice of tyranny could go farther than this; nor, had there been any approach to civilisation among the people, would they have submitted to such grievous aggressions. In any community in which public opinion can make itself heard, no despot would venture even to contemplate such perpetrations.

The English clergy, no less than the English nobility, suffered by the Conqueror's avarice and despotism. Their ecclesiastical privileges were violated; troops were quartered upon the monasteries; the religious houses were searched and plundered not only of money and plate, but even of the shrines of saints, and of consecrated vessels. Not satisfied

with this, William deposed many English bishops and abbots, banished some from the kingdom, and imprisoned others "without any legal proceedings, or giving any other reason than his good pleasure. After he was thus clear of all that caused him any uneasiness, he placed in their room Normans or other foreigners, for all were acceptable but the English.

It is quite clear that William's design was to deprive the English people of any political existence. They were to be the mere bondsmen of the Normans, for whom they were to labour, and to whose insults and impositions they were slavishly to submit. If they dared not openly resist their oppressors, enough of their ancient spirit was still left to prompt murmurings and expressions of discontent. Some of the principal men of the conquered nation thought a favourable time had arrived for a vigorous effort to redeem themselves. Accordingly a conspiracy was formed to drive the King and the Normans out of the kingdom; and the scheme was promoted with so much caution and secrecy, that William was suddenly menaced by a numerous body of armed conspirators. The malcontents grew, day by day, more numerous, and proclaimed Edgar Atheling as king. In this danger, the Conqueror found it his interest to use fair words, and large promises; and invited the leaders of the revolt to an amicable conference at Berkhamstead, where, like his descendant, John, * Rapin.

under similar circumstances, he solemnly swore upon the Holy Evangelists, and the relics of the church of St. Alban's, "that he would observe the good, approved, and ancient laws of the kingdom, which the holy and pious kings, his predecessors, and chiefly King Edward, had ordained."

Having confidence in the royal oath, the English broke up their martial array, and returned to their homes. This was all that William wanted; and within a few days afterwards he privately and suddenly endeavoured to ruin, one by one, those whom, united, he could not destroy. He put some to death, dispossessed others, and outlawed many more, utterly regardless of his oath.

The above is mentioned merely to show in what an uncivilised state a people must be, to become so easy a prey to crafty designs.

Soon after the Conquest, and during the reign of William Rufus, the first Crusade took place. This tended to increase the power of the great chiefs, and to diminish that of the lesser, who, anxious to prepare themselves and their followers for the expedition to the Holy Land, were forced either to sell or mortgage their lands to the more powerful chiefs or to the church. They were thus rendered dependent on the wealthy barons, and forced to attach themselves as followers to some leading person.

It would be foreign to our subject to give any particular account of this war, or of those which succeeded it under the same name; nor need we

describe the fanaticism by which an impulse to the Crusades was given. The mighty torrent of human beings that poured from the north and west to the south, although it occasioned indescribable misery to both the assailants and assailed, yet gratified the warlike spirit and love of enterprise common in those days. The several crusades do not appear to have been any check on civilisation, but the reverse. For many years after the Conquest the following was the state of England:-A monarch who desired to be absolute, a very powerful and warlike class of feudal chiefs, and an ignorant lower class, consisting of serfs, villains, bondsmen, and other dependents.*

How was it possible for a nation so situated to be in possession of any of the requisites for civilisation? It had no commerce, no manufactures, no industry of any kind, beyond that absolutely required to procure the necessaries of life by the rude cultivation of the soil. In those days a middle class was not found in towns of sufficient

*After the conquest of England, there was in fact only an upper and a lower class. King William gave to Hugh de Arincis, his sister's son, the whole county of Chester, which he erected into a palatinate. (Cund. in Ches.) Robert, Earl of Montaigne, had 973 manors and lordships; Allan of Britany and Richmond, 442; Odo, Bishop of Baieux, 439 (Brady's Hist., p. 198-200.); Geoffry, Bishop of Coutance, 280 (Order. Vital.), and so on. It was computed that in the large county of Norfolk there were not in the Conqueror's time more than sixty-six proprietors of land. Sir Henry Spelman, Gloss.

wealth, numbers, or information, to desire or to deserve those charters and privileges for which, at a future period, they became so eager, and which they obtained, when subsequent monarchs thought it their policy to cultivate a good understanding

with citizens.

For a series of years following the invasion and conquest of Britain by William of Normandy, nothing resembling even an approach to civilisation, or an appearance of the elements required for its formation, can be discovered. The monarchs were intent on their own aggrandisement, and on curbing the barons. The barons, on their part, were equally anxious to preserve their independence, maintain their influence, and control the sovereign. The middle class were of no moment, either in numbers or influence; and the lower class, the rude cultivators of the soil, were either serfs or villains, or persons in the poorest condition, forming a population very inferior both in manners and information to that existing at the time in France, in Italy, and on the European shores of the Mediterranean. The continent of Europe was scarcely emerging from a state of barbarism, and Christianity, except in name, had as yet made but little progress. The mass of the people were either superstitious, or influenced by bigotry; but a small portion of pure religious sentiment existed. The several governments of Europe were in a very unsettled state, and although the power of William the Conqueror and his succes