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Tunisia and other parts of the world will not fail in their response to the people of Algeria. For Algeria is a part of the great struggle of peoples against the curse of colonialism, still powerful but yielding step by step to the irresistible forces of freedom.

WE ARE AT WAR*

BY THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

Where insurrectionary groups enjoy not military successes the emphasis on the survival and continued activism of the revolutionary group is primordial.

On 16th December, 1961, Unkhonto We Sizwe, military wing of the ANC, made it known that we, the oppressed people of South Africa, would fight for our rights. We made this known not only with words. Dynamite blasts announced it.

From 13th August, 1967, our men of Umkhonto We Sizwe, together with our brothers of ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People's Union) have been fighting the oppressors in Matabeleland, Wankie and further south. The Vorster government, through the radio and newspapers, continues to lie about this fighting.

The truth is very different from what these newspapers have reported. Our men are armed and trained freedom-fighters, not "terrorists." They are fighting with courage, discipline and skill. The forces of the Rhodesian racialists suffered heavy losses. So also did the white soldiers sent to Rhodesia by Vorster to save the Smith regime from collapse.

The freedom-fighters have inflicted heavy losses on the enemy. Apart from those who have been ambushed and killed, hospitals at Bulawayo and Wankie are crowded with wounded Smith and Vorster forces. Several South African helicopters and military transport planes have been brought down over the past three months.

The fighting will go on in Rhodesia and South Africa. We will fight until we have won, however long it takes and however much it will cost.

WHY WE FIGHT

To you, the sons and daughters of the soil, our case is clear.

The white oppressors have stolen our land. They have destroyed our families. They have taken for themselves the best that there is in our rich country and have left us the worst. They have the fruits and the riches. We have the backbreaking toil and the poverty.

We burrow into the belly of the earth to dig our gold, diamonds, coal, uranium. The white oppressors and foreign investors grab all this wealth. It is used for their enrichment and to buy arms to suppress and kill us. In the factories, on the farms, on the railways, wherever you go, the hard, dirty, dangerous, badly paid jobs are ours. The best jobs are for whites only.

*Leaflet distributed by the African National Congress.

In our own land we have to carry passes; we are restricted and banished while the white oppressors move about freely.

Our homes are hovels; those of the whites are luxury mansions, flats and farmsteads.

There are not enough schools for our children; the standard of education is low, and we have to pay for it. But the government uses our taxes and the wealth we create to provide free education for white children. We have suffered long enough.

Over 300 years ago the white invaders began a ceaseless war of aggression against us, murdered our forefathers, stole land and enslaved our people.

Today they still rule by force. They murder our people. They still enslave us.

ONLY BY MEETING FORCE WITH FORCE CAN WE WIN BACK OUR MOTHERLAND

We have tried every way to reason with the white supremacists. For many years our leaders and organizations sent petitions and deputations to Cape Town and Pretoria, even overseas, to London and the United Nations in New York. We organised mass demonstrations, passburnings, peaceful stay-at-homes.

What answer was given by the govenment?

Strikers and demonstrators were shot in cold blood. New acts of oppression and injustice were heaped upon us. Our leaders and spokesmen were banned, gagged, jailed, banished-even murdered. Our organisation, the African National Congress, was outlawed. Our meetings, journals and leaflets were prohibited.

The Nazi Vorster, who was interned for helping Hitler, is now the Prime Minister of South Africa. This man is the murderer of Mini, Mkaba, Khayingo, Bongco, Saloojee and other brave sons of Africa. He has condemned Mandela, Sisulu, Mbeki, Mhlaba, Motsoaledi, Mlangeni, Kathrada, Fischer and many others to rot away in jails for life.

They have declared war on us. We have to fight back!

Our Indian brothers know full well the hardships and bitterness of white baaskaap rule. Since the time of Mahatma Ghandi and before, they have had to face persecution-attempts to deport them to India, Ghetto Acts, Group Areas and other forms of oppression.

The South African Indian Congress fought back. Led by men like Yusuf Dadoo, Monty Naicker and Nana Sita, the Indian community marched hand in hand with the ANC for liberty, for the rights of all South Africans.

Our Coloured brothers know how even the few privileges they were allowed-crumbs from the master's table-have been taken away from them. Votes, skilled jobs, trade union rights-one by one they are being taken away. Now apartheid madness is conscripting the Coloured youth into labour camps and jails for pass offenders. The ghetto walls grow

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USIA

USIS

United States Information Agency

United States Information Service (includes most overseas operations of U.S. Information AgencyUSIA)

United States Operations Mission

Viet Cong

Vietnamese Information Service (Republic of Vietnam)

Voice of America

USOM

VC

VIS

VOA

VPB

WSAG

ZANU

ZAPU

Zimbabwe African National Union
Zimbabwe Africa People's Union

Voice of the People of Burma

Washington Special Actions Group

face-to-face communication, and mass media, the latter chiefly designed as a reinforcement.

2. Using this apparat, a theoretical formula was employed that first established a claim to truth in terms of basically rational appeals. This was not a full-blown ideology, Marxism or any other, so much as it was the conversion of specific ideas into actions and the transformation of abstract concepts such as nationalism into social levers. Second, using nonrational appeals, the emotions of the villagers were tapped, and passions, chiefly hatred, were generated. Third, a commitment to action was demanded, even if only a token act or gesture.

3. The Communist concept of communication predominated, with the Chinese rather than the Soviet experience serving as the model. As in China, great premium was placed on mass psychological techniques such as rallies, demonstrations, parades, movements (similar to China's "Back to the Countryside" movement), group criticism and individual denunciation campaigns, neighborhood and work meetings, and other forms of organizational communication, often with the mass social organizations acting as media.

4. The communication of ideas was viewed not as a separate act but as an integral part of the Revolution; communication was a seamless web. It was based on the orthodox Communist distinction between agitation and propaganda, derived from the famous Plekhanov (and Lenin) distinction between an agitator as one who presents only one or a few ideas to a mass of people and a propagandist as one who presents many ideas to one or a few persons; this approach was necessary, it was held, because the masses could not be expected to understand Marxism-Leninism but nevertheless must be imbued with the proper spirit so that they would work and sacrifice for the cause. Propaganda thus consisted of theoretical indoctrination through which Party members were armed with scientific knowledge of the laws that govern society, or almost the exact opposite meaning of the word as used in non-Communist countries. In functional terms, agit-prop2 activities were conceived as a servo-mechanism by means of which the rural Vietnamese were indoctrinated with a certain set of values and beliefs as the necessary first step, the formation of the masses into an organizational weapon. It was often reiterated in internal documents, as in the following PRP statement:

Agit-prop work is directed at the masses, for the benefit of the masses, and must involve the masses doing propaganda work under Party guidance. Thus the propaganda target is the masses, and the propaganda force is also the masses, but in the second case the masses are organized and educated by the Party, in associations, groups, organizations, etc. . . .

5. Although communication efforts were conducted simultaneously on various levels and with differing and often contradictory themes, the key communicator at all levels was the agit-prop cadre. He was no mere technician but one who sat at the highest policy determining levels and who at the lower echelons tended to dominate all activities, not just

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